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Y 4. Ar5/2a: 985-86/48

CIS RECORD ONLY:

[H.A.S.C. No. 99-48]

PROCESS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE
ICELAND SUMMIT

66-367

HEARINGS

BEFORE THE

DEFENSE POLICY PANEL

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

NINETY-NINTH CONGRESS

SECOND SESSION

NOVEMBER 21, 24, 25; DECEMBER 2, 3, 4, 5, AND 10, 1986

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For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington, DC 20402

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PROCESS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE ICELAND

SUMMIT

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

DEFENSE POLICY PANEL OF THE

COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES,

Washington, DC, Friday, November 21, 1986.

The panel met at 10:05 a.m., in room 2118, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Les Aspin (chairman of the panel) presiding.

OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. LES ASPIN, A REPRESENTATIVE FROM WISCONSIN, CHAIRMAN, DEFENSE POLICY PANEL OF THE HOUSE COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES

The CHAIRMAN. I call the meeting to order. I have an opening statement that I would like to read, just to explain a little bit about what these hearings are all about.

Today we begin a series of about eight hearings looking into the Reykjavik summit-both the substance of the summit and the process through which it was handled.

One of the very important questions that we expect to be answered as a result of these hearings is what action the House in general and the House Democrats in particular will take on arms control at the start of the new year.

Many in this room will recall that last summer the House passed several watershed arms control measures. In October, we backed off in response to the President's request that his hands not be tied going into Reykjavik. His hands weren't tied-but did he bring anything home?

Let me make clear that I've always thought that the Congress should play a subordinate role to the President on arms controlafter all, only the Chief Executive can negotiate with the Soviets. But if the President can't bring home the bacon after 6 years in office, perhaps it is time for Congress to try its hand. And if the outgoing President is taking decisions on arms control that may make it harder for his successor to get somewhere, then it's time for the Congress to preserve the next President's options-whether that President be a Republican or a Democrat.

Ronald Reagan's foreign policy is on a roll. Unfortunately, it's all downhill. First, the Daniloff deal, then the Reykjavik confusion, now the planeload-for-people swap with Iran. The Reagan foreign policy is in some disarray. Congress would be abdicating its constitutional responsibilities if it just sought to blame Ronald Reagan but made no effort to right the ship of state.

As I mentioned, these hearings will focus on two aspects of Reykjavik-substance and process.

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