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whose defenders might, with equal juftice at least, call him an acrimonious and furly Royalift.

- But was Dr. Johnson's quarrel with Milton's notions merely that they were republican, that is to say, notions adverse to'kingly government? Hath he always revered kings as such, kings de facto, or ? kings only so and so qualified

We confess ourselves to be of that class of men who are willing to receive instruction from all quarters; and the · news-paper of the day being just brought : in, we learn, from an extract in it from Dr. Johnson's Life of Smith, that Gilbert Walmsley was a Whig with all the virulence and malevolence of his party, and


that the Doctor was of different notions : and opinions * ,i . ..':,'is

But we are well informed, that Mr. Walmsley was no republican, but strongly, attached in principle to the succeffion, of the House of Hanover. If for this attachment he was, in Dr. Johnson's : esteem, a virulent and malevolent: Whig, I we should be glad to know what precise. ! ly are those notions and opinions wherein he differed from his friend Walmsley ?, Perhaps at the bottom the grudge is no more than that neither Milton nor Walm, sley would allow Dr. Johnson to chuse ai: King for them.

“ It is not known,” says the Doctor;! 6 that Milton gave any better reason : * St. James's Chronicle, July 31, 1779.


“ [for his republican notions] than that a popular government was the most frugal; for that the trappings of a monarchy 6 would set up an ordinary Commonwealth *.' '

In the Eικων Βασιλικη King Charles says, or is made to say, “ that Kings “ are the greatest patrons of law, justíce, “ order, and religión, on earth:"7: ".;

To this Milton replies - What pa“ trons they be God in fcripture oft' “ enough hath exprest'; and the earth “ itself hath too long groaned under the * burden of their injustice, disorder, and “ irreligion 73 - A plain man would think this a better reason, if true, 'for a republican govern. * Life, pia n i ;: ito be † Iconoclastes, chap. xxvij., ... , I 2


ment, than merely the expence of monarchy. But let the Biographer have his way.

“ It is surely a very narrow policy that “ supposes money to be the chief good.”. But it is as surely asserted by us, that no modeft man can find any such position in all Milton's works. The palitical maxim, that money is not the chiefest good, would stand with a much fairer face in the tract intituled, 66 Taxation no Ty“ ranny,” in order to prevail with the people to bleed freely, and submit chearfully to the pecuniary demands of the ministry; for that the expence of a court is “for the most part only a particular “ kind of traffick, by which money is “ circulated without any national impo" verishment."


Tritical aphorisms should be univer: fally and unequivocally true, unlimited by such insertions, as, for the most part. The expence of a court is an expression relative to a thoufand' articles beyond what Milton called the trappings of mos narchy. Admit that a traffic, not detrimental to the nation, might be carried on with those who furnish the articles comprehended in what is called the civil lift, yet are those articles all the traffic which comes within the description of the 66 expence of a court?" Have we not heard; some centuries ago, of trafficking with court-money and court-honey, for courtly votes, and courtly essays, to countenance and abet courtly encroacliments; whereiir a reciprocation of profit


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