tice between him and Andrada, wherewith, indeed, I touched before, as many starting holes and evaAndrada had in a sort acquainted him. And now, upon this new despatch and knowledge given to Lopez of the choice of Ferrera to continue that which Andrada had begun; he, to conform himself the better to the satisfaction of the King of Spain, and his ministers abroad, was content more fully to communicate with Ferrera, with whom, from that time forward, he meant singly and apertly to deal; and therefore cunningly forbore to speak with Manuel Louis himself; but concluded that Ferrera should be his only trunk, and all his dealings should pass through his hand, thinking thereby to have gone invisible. Whereupon, he cast with himself, that it was not safe to use the mediation of Manuel Louis, who had been made privy to the matter, as some base carrier of letters; which letters also should be written in a cipher, not of alphabet, but of words; such as might, if they were opened, import no vehement suspicion. And, therefore, Manuel Louis was sent back with a short answer, and Lopez purveyed himself of a base fellow, a Portuguese called Gomez d'Avila, dwelling hard by Lopez's house, to convey his letters. After this messenger provided, it was agreed between Lopez and Ferrera, that letters should be sent to the Count de Fuentes, and Secretary Juarra, written and signed by Ferrera, for Lopez cautelously did forbear to write himself, but directed and indeed dictated word by word by Lopez himself. The contents thereof were, that Lopez was ready to execute that service to the king, which before had been treated, but required for his recompense the sum of 50,000 crowns, and assurance for the same. sions as he could devise, if any of these matters should come to light. And first he took his time to cast forth some general words afar off to her majesty, as asking her the question, Whether a deceiver might not be deceived? Whereof, her majesty not imagining these words tended to such end, as to warrant him colourably in this wretched conspiracy, but otherwise, of her own natural disposition bent to integrity and sincerity, uttered dislike and disallowance. Next, he thought he had wrought a great mystery in demanding the precise sum of 50,000 crowns, agreeing just with the sum of assignation or donation from Don Antonio; idly, and in that grossly imagining, that, if afterwards he should accept the same sum, he might excuse it, as made good by the King of Spain, in regard he desisted to follow and favour Don Antonio; whereupon the King of Spain was in honour tied not to see him a loser. Thirdly, in his conferences with Ferrera, when he was apposed upon the particular manner how he would poison her majesty, he purposely named unto him a syrup, knowing that her majesty never useth syrup; and therefore thinking that would prove a high point for his justification, if things should come in any question. But all this while desirous after his prey, which he had in hope devoured, he did instantly importune Ferrera for the answering of his last despatch, finding the delay strange, and reiterating the protestations of his readiness to do the service, if he were assured of his money. Now before the return of Gomez d'Avila into England, this Stephen Ferrera was discovered to have intelligence with the enemy; but so as the These letters were written obscurely, as was particular of his traffic and overtures appeared not, touched, in terms of merchandise; to which only it seemed there was great account made of obscurity when Ferrera excepted, Lopez answered, that he managed: and thereupon he was committhey knew his meaning by that which had passed ted to prison. Soon after arrived Gomez d'Avila, before. Ferrera wrote also to Manuel Louis, but and brought letters only from Manuel Louis, by charged this Gomez to deliver the same letters the name of Francisco de Thores; because, as it unto him in the presence of Juarra; as also the seemeth, the great persons on the other side had letter to Juarra in the presence of Manuel Louis. a contrary disposition to Lopez, and liked not to And these letters were delivered to Gomez d'Avila write by so base a messenger, but continued their to be carried to Brussels, and a passport procured, course to trust and employ Manuel Louis himself, and his charges defrayed by Lopez. And Fer- who in likelihood was retained till they might rera, the more to approve his industry, writ let- receive a full conclusion from Spain; which was ters two several times, the one conveyed by not till about two months after. This Gomez Emanuel Pallacios, with the privity of Lopez, to was apprehended at his landing, and about him Christophero Moro, a principal counsellor of the were found the letters aforesaid, written in jargon, King of Spain, in Spain; signifying that Lopez or verbal cipher, but yet somewhat suspicious, in was won to the King of Spain, and that he was these words: "This bearer will tell you the price ready to receive his commandment; and received in which your pearls are esteemed, and in what a letter from the same Christophero Moro, in resolution we rest about a little musk and amber, answer to one of these, which he showed unto which I am determined to buy." Which words Lopez. In the mean time Lopez, though a man, the said Manuel Louis afterward voluntarily conin semblance, of a heavy wit, yet indeed subtle fessed to be deciphered in this sort; That by the of himself, as one trained in practice, and besides allowance of the pearls he meant, that the Count as wily as fear and covetousness could make de Fuentes, and the secretary, did gladly accept him, thought to provide for himself, as was partly the offer of Lopez to poison the queen, signified by Ferrera's letter: and for the provision of amber confessions appear expressed in their own natural and musk, it was meant that the count looked shortly for a resolution from the King of Spain concerning a matter of importance, which was for burning of the Queen's ships; and another point tending to the satisfaction of their vindictive humour. But while the sense of this former letter rested ambiguous, and that no direct particular was confessed by Ferrera, nor sufficient light given to ground any rigorous examination of him, cometh over Manuel Louis with the resolution from Spain; who first understanding of Ferrera's restraint, and therefore doubting how far things were discovered, to shadow the matter, like a cunning companion, gave advertisement of an intent he had to do service, and hereupon obtained a passport: but after his coming in, he made no haste to reveal any thing, but thought to dally and abuse in some other sort. And while the light was thus in the clouds, there was also intercepted a little ticket which Ferrera in prison had found means to write, in care to conceal Lopez, and to keep him out of danger, to give a caveat of staying all farther answers and advertisements in these causes. Whereupon, Lopez was first called in question. But, in conclusion, this matter being with all assiduity and policy more and more pierced and mined into, first, there was won from Manuel Louis his letters from the Count de Fuentes and Secretary Juarra to Ferrera, in both which mention is made of the queen's death; in that of the count's, under the term of a commission; and in | that of the secretary's, under the term of the great service, whereof should arise a universal benefit to the whole world. Also, the letters of credit written by Gonsalo Gomez, one to Pedro de Carrera, and the other to Juan Pallacio, to take up a sum of money by Manuel Louis, by the foresaid false name of Fr. de Thores; letters so large, and in a manner without limitation, as any sum by virtue thereof might be taken up: which letters were delivered to Louis by the Count de Fuentes's own hands, with directions to show them to Lopez for his assurance; a matter of God's secret working in staying the same, for thereupon rested only the execution of the fact of Lopez. Upon so narrow a point consisted the safety of her majesty's life, already sold by avarice to malice and ambition, but extraordinarily preserved by that watchman which never slumbereth. This same Manuel Louis, and Stephen Ferrera also, whereof the one managed the matter abroad, and the other resided here to give correspondence, never meeting after Manuel had returned, severally examined without torture or threatening, did in the end voluntarily and clearly confess the matters abovementioned, and in their confessions fully consent and concur, not only in substance, but in all points, particularities, and circumstances; which language, testified and subscribed with their own hands; and in open assembly, at the arraignment of Lopez in the Guildhall, were by them confirmed and avouched to Lopez his face; and therewithal are extant, undefaced, the original letters from Count de Fuentes, Secretary Juarra, and the rest. And Lopez himself, at his first apprehension and examination, did indeed deny, and deny with deep and terrible oaths and execrations, the very conferences and treaties with Ferrera, or Andrada, about the empoisonment. And being demanded, if they were proved against him what he would say? he answered, That he would yield himself guilty of the fact intended. Nevertheless, being afterwards confronted by Ferrera, who constantly maintained to him all that he had said, reducing him to the times and places of the said conferences, he confessed the matter, as by his confession in writing, signed with his own hand, appeareth. But then he fell to that slender evasion, as his last refuge, that he meant only to cozen the King of Spain of the money and in that he continued at his arraignment, when, notwithstanding, at the first he did retract his own confession: and yet being asked, whether he was drawn, either by means of torture, or promise of life, to make the same confession? he did openly testify that no such means were used towards him. But the falsehood of this excuse, being an allegation that any traitor may use and provide for himself, is convicted by three notable proofs. The first, that he never opened this matter, neither unto her majesty, unto whom he had ordinary access, nor to any counsellor of state, to have permission to toll on, and inveigle these parties with whom he did treat, if it had been thought so convenient; wherein, percase, he had opportunity to have done some good service, for the farther discovery of their secret machinations against her majesty's life. The second, that he came too late to this shift; having first bewrayed his guilty conscience, in denying those treaties and conferences till they were evidently and manifestly proved to his face. The third, that in conferring with Ferrera about the manner of his assurance, he thought it better to have the money in the hands of such merchants as he should name in Antwerp, than to have it brought into England; declaring his purpose to be, after the fact done, speedily to fly to Antwerp, and there to tarry some time, and so to convey himself to Constantinople; where it is affirmed, that Don Salomon, a Jew in good credit, is Lopez his near kinsman, and that he is greatly favoured by the said Don Salomon: whereby it is evident that Lopez had cast his reckonings upon the supposition of the fact done. Thus may appear, both how justly this Lopez* * Lopez was executed 7th June, 1594. is condemned for the highest treason that can be imagined; and, how, by God's marvellous goodness, her majesty hath been preserved. And, surely, if a man do truly consider, it is hard to say, whether God hath done greater things by her majesty or for her: if you observe on the one side, how God hath ordained her government to break and cross the unjust ambition of the two mighty potentates, the King of Spain and the Bishop of Rome, never so straitly between themselves combined and, on the other side, how mightily God hath protected her, both against foreign invasion and inward troubles, and singularly against the many secret conspiracies that have been made against her life; thereby declaring to the world that he will indeed preserve that instrument which he hath magnified. But the corruptions of these times are wonderful, when that wars, which are the highest trials of right between princes, that acknowledge no superior jurisdiction, and ought to be prosecuted with all honour, shall be stained and infamed with such foul and inhuman practices. Wherein if so great a king hath been named, the rule of the civil law, which is a rule of common reason, must be remembered; "Frustra legis auxilium implorat, qui in legem committit." He that hath sought to violate the majesty royal, in the highest degree, cannot claim the pre-eminence thereof to be exempted from just imputation. T 2 TRACTS RELATING TO ENGLAND. OF THE TRUE GREATNESS OF THE KINGDOM OF BRITAIN. TO KING JAMES. -Fortunatos nimium sua si bona norint. though in popular discourse less observed: and incidently by making a brief application, in both these parts, of the general principles and positions of policy unto the state and condition of these your kingdoms. Of these the former part will branch itself into these articles. THE greatness of kingdoms and dominions in than they are, but rather, as by an instrument of bulk and territory doth fall under measure and art, helping the sense to take a true magnitude demonstration that cannot err: but the just mea- and dimension: therefore, I will use no hidden sure and estimate of the forces and power of an order, which is fitter for insinuations than sound estate is a matter, than the which there is nothing proofs, but a clear and open order. First, by among civil affairs more subject to error, nor confuting the errors, or rather correcting the that error more subject to perilous consequence. excesses of certain immoderate opinions, which For hence may proceed many inconsiderate ascribe too much to some points of greatness, attempts, and insolent provocations in states which are not so essential, and by reducing those that have too high an imagination of their own points to a true value and estimation: then by forces: and hence may proceed, on the other propounding and confirming those other points of side, a toleration of many fair grievances and greatness which are more solid and principal, indignities, and a loss of many opportunities, in states that are not sensible enough of their own strength. Therefore, that it may the better appear what greatness your majesty hath obtained of God, and what greatness this island hath obtained by you, and what greatness it is, that by the gracious pleasure of Almighty God you shall leave and transmit to your children and generations as the first founder; I have thought good, as far as I can comprehend, to make a true survey and representation of the greatness of this your kingdom of Britain; being for mine own part persuaded, that the supposed prediction, "Video solem orientem in occidente," may be no less a true vision applied to Britain, than to any other kingdom of Europe; and being out of doubt that none of the great monarchies, which in the memory of times have risen in the habitable world, had so fair seeds and beginnings as hath this your estate and kingdom, whatsoever the event shall be, which must depend upon the dispensation of God's will and providence, and his blessing upon your descendants. And because I have no purpose vainly or assentatorily to represent this greatness, as in water, which shows things bigger First, That in the measuring or balancing of Thirdly, That there is too much ascribed to the And, fourthly, That there is too much ascribed to the strength and fortification of towns or holds. The latter will fall into this distribution: First, That true greatness doth require a fit sitaation of the place or region. Secondly, That true greatness consisteth essen tially in population and breed of men. Thirdly, That it consisteth also in the valour and military disposition of the people it breedeth and in this, that they make profession of arms. Fourthly, That it consisteth in this point, that ways trouble a sound resolution. And those that are conversant attentively in the histories of those times, shall find that this purchase which Alexander made and compassed, was offered by fortune twice before to others, though by accident they went not through with it; namely, to Agesi. laus, and Jason of Thessaly: for Agesilaus, after he had made himself master of most of the low And, sixthly, That it consisteth in the com- provinces of Asia, and had both design and commandment of the sea. And let no man so much forget the subject propounded, as to find strange, that here is no mention of religion, laws, or policy. For we speak of that which is proper to the amplitude and growth of states, and not of that which is common to their preservation, happiness, and all other points of well-being. First, therefore, touching largeness of territories, the true greatness of kingdoms upon earth is not without some analogy with the kingdom of heaven, as our Saviour describes it; which he doth resemble, not to any great kernel or nut, but to one of the least grains; but yet such a one, as hath a property to grow and spread. For as for large countries and multitude of provinces, they are many times rather matters of burden than of strength, as may manifestly appear both by reason and example. By reason thus. There be two manners of securing of large territories, the one by the natural arms of every province, and the other by the protecting arms of the principal estate, in which case commonly the provincials are held disarmed. So are there two dangers incident unto every estate, foreign invasion, and inward rebellion. Now, such is the nature of things, that these two remedies of estate do fall respectively into these two dangers, in case of remote provinces. For if such an estate rest upon the natural arms of the provinces, it is sure to be subject to rebellion or revolt; if upon protecting arms, it is sure to be weak against invasion: neither can this be avoided. mission to invade the higher countries, was diverted and called home upon a war excited against his country by the states of Athens and Thebes, being incensed by their orators and counsellors, which were bribed and corrupted from Persia, as Agesilaus himself avouched pleasantly, when he said, That a hundred thousand archers of the King of Persia had driven him home: understanding it, because an archer was the stamp upon the Persian coin of gold. And Jason of Thessaly, being a man born to no greatness, but one that made a fortune of himself, and had obtained by. his own vivacity of spirit, joined with the opportunities of time, a great army, compounded of voluntaries and adventurers, to the terror of all Græcia, that continually expected where that cloud would fall; disclosed himself in the end, that his design was for an expedition into Persia, the same which Alexander, not many years after achieved, wherein he was interrupted by a private conspiracy against his life, which took effect. So that it appeareth, as was said, that it was not any miracle of accident that raised the Macedonian monarchy, but only the weak composition of that vast state of Persia, which was prepared for a prey to the first resolute invader. The second example that I will produce, is of the Roman empire, which had received no dimination in territory, though great in virtue and forces, till the time of Jovianus. For so it was alleged by such as opposed themselves to the rendering Nisibis upon the dishonourable retreat Now, for examples, proving the weakness of of the Roman army out of Persia. At which time states possessed of large territories, I will use it was avouched, that the Romans, by the space only two, eminent and selected. The first shall of eight hundred years, had never, before that be of the kingdom of Persia, which extended day, made any cession or renunciation to any part from Egypt, inclusive, unto Bactria, and the of their territory, whereof they had once had a conborders of the East India; and yet, nevertheless, stant and quiet possession. And yet, neverthewas overrun and conquered, in the space of seven less, immediately after the short reign of Jovianus, years, by a nation not much bigger than this isle and towards the end of the joint reign of Valenof Britain, and newly grown into name, having tinianus and Valens, which were his immediate been utterly obscure till the time of Philip, the son successors, and much more in the times succeedof Amyntas. Neither was this effected by any ing, the Roman empire, notwithstanding the rare or heroical prowess in the conqueror, as is magnitude thereof, became no better than a vulgarly conceived, for that Alexander the Great carcase, whereupon all the vultures and birds of goeth now for one of the wonders of the world; prey of the world did seize and ravine for many for those that have made a judgment grounded ages, for a perpetual monument of the essential upon reason of estate, do find that conceit to be difference between the scale of miles, and the merely popular; for so Livy pronounceth of him, scale of forces. And, therefore, upon these rea"Nihil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere." sons and examples, we may safely conclude, that Wherein he judgeth of vastness of territory as a largeness of territory is so far from being a thing vanity that may astonish a weak mind, but no inseparable from greatness of power, as it is |