exequatur of the king's government, or else provide for themselves. In Germany the Kulturkampf is at an end, and although the terms of the new settlement of affairs are not yet agreed to, yet it is understood that negotiations are under way, and that peace is earnestly desired on both sides. It is only in France that the antiecclesiastical element, the simple priest-haters, have the control of affairs and are doing their utmost to perpetuate the antagonisms which have prevailed since the beginning of the decade.

And no policy could be more suicidal for the French Republic. There is but one of two things for a European country to do: to break with Rome as England has done, or to come to terms with her as Italy has substantially done. But for a political party to keep up a running fight à l'outrance with a Church which is represented in every corner of the nation, and which has a steadfast hold upon the great majority of the believing part of the people, and free use of every means to increase the believers, is to doom itself to destruction. France cannot refuse Protestantism and expect to enjoy the liberties of Protestant nations. And so long as the confessional is met at every turn, and the devout masses put their consciences into the keeping of the priest, the priest will, in the long run, be too much for the Radicals who have nothing to oppose to his belief except a string of negations.

Some very hopeful people look to see France become a Protestant country, and they point to recent eminent conversions, which certainly have occurred more frequently in the last few years than formerly. But, at the present rate, it would take a Darwinian era to effect such a transformation. Indeed, we doubt whether the Gallic mind is capable of such a transformation. There is something in the individualism of Protestantism, its subordination of social life and its assertion of Biblical authority, which seems alien to the French character. Whatever be the form of Christianity under which all classes of Frenchmen may finally rally, and find the reconciliation of devout faith with free thought, it will be something entirely different from what is to be seen in any of the Protestant Churches.

We had hoped that the new Canadian tariff would be simply and impartially protective to their native industries, without any discriminations against or in favor of any other country. But the

law, which was adopted and put in force with great haste, seems to be aimed at the trade with America, and to favor that with England. In several very important clauses, British goods are admitted at a lower rate of duty than is charged upon goods from "all other countries," meaning from across the border. The evident purpose is to force the United States to return to the basis of the old Reciprocity Treaty, and, indeed, the Governor-General is authorized to suspend the collection of duties upon our manufactures as soon as we agree to take Canadian products free of duty.

This step our government is certainly not going to take. All our manufacturing classes would find it convenient to have Canada as an open market for our goods, but they are not likely to favor any such measure, as it would alienate the agricultural classes of the West from the support of protection. The Canadians are their rivals in our produce markets; and our manufacturers, who desire protection, know that it must be extended to agriculture as well as to manufactures. It is for this reason, among others, that they have steadily opposed reciprocity, and will continue to do so.

The Canadians should make up their minds either to treat America like any other country, or to cast in their lot with us as a people. Either policy will be appreciated on our side of the border, but this coquetting in fiscal diplomacy is altogether unworthy of them. They should have formed a juster estimate of their own magnitude and importance, than to suppose that any legislation of theirs was likely to force our hand, or to compel us to follow suit. There is an ancient apologue about an iron and an earthen pot, which might furnish a theme for profitable meditation in the legislative halls of Ottawa.

If they are not yet prepared for annexation to America, a Zollverein would furnish the best opportunity for testing beforehand what would be the financial effects of that measure. But reciprocity would merely convert Canada into another zona libera, for the general smuggling of British manufactures into the United States.

The English have evidently taken a truer measure of the possibilities of Canadian retaliation. They are far more irritated by the present provisions of the Canadian law, than hopeful of any good effects from it in breaking down the American tariff. And they are, in so far, right. But they will find in Canada a subject for profitable reflection, as showing what Free Trade will do for a

young and growing country. The contrast of the two sides of the Canadian border and the steady immigration of the Canadian people from Free Trade, low taxation, and "the right to buy in the cheapest market,” into a country burdened with debt, but bent on being industrially independent, tells the story more truly than could whole volumes of economic discussion.

If our trade with Canada is injured at all, it will be by the discriminating duties, which will tend to bring in English goods to the exclusion of our own. Otherwise, no harm will be done. Canada, as she grows in wealth and in the rapidity of societary circulation, will grow in purchasing power. She will take other and higher classes of our products, and in still greater quantities than at present, for her home industries will make her more attractive to foreign immigration. The present effect would be to increase the price of our products to Canadians and to reduce the profits of the exporters somewhat, if there be any margin for reduction. Until Canada can produce what we are sending, she must continue to import; when she can produce these, she will buy of us still better classes of goods.

THE closing sessions of the Forty-fifth Congress were less remarkable for scenes of an unpleasant character than is usually the case. The majority in the House were in no haste to push through doubtful pieces of legislation, as they foresaw that a special session of the new Congress was soon to be held, and they acquiesced in their Speaker's strategy, by which he gave the floor to a bore who strove to argue the House into adopting an impossible resolution. The sessions were indeed allowed to run into Sunday, following the example set by the Puritan Long Parliament on one memorable occasion; but the night sessions were not disgraced by those displays of drunken indecency, which have been handed down to us as a tradition of the times before the war.

The Congress which has gone leaves a mixed record behind it. Those who think personal honesty is the cure-all of our political evils, should cherish a very high regard for it. Never was there a Congress more free from corrupt jobs and private peculations. The lobby had less power than ever before, and no Central Illinois Railroad charter, no Credit Mobilier scheme could have been car

ried through either house. But partisan passions are just as mischievous as private selfishness; and probably no Congress ever worked so hard and wasted so much of the nation's time and

money for party ends as this one. It would be hard to find any which was ever so blind to any considerations of honesty, fair-play and courtesy, when these stood in the way of a party triumph. There was, indeed, some excuse for this. Hardly ever, since the foundation of our government, has there been a time of greater political uncertainty, when the power seemed so likely to slip from the very hands of those who were grasping it after nearly two decades of defeat. Every one realizes that the coming presidential election is to be one of vast importance to the Democratic party, especially, and that if that party fail then, and the Republicans can hold out till after the redistribution of power consequent upon the census of 1880, they may continue in office indefinitely. In these circumstances, violent partisanship was to be expected, and the country has had plenty of it. In partisan investigations without number, in demagogic legislation, like the Anti-Chinese law which the President vetoed, and in attempts to carry political measures as appendages to appropriation bills, this Congress did its "level" worst to show how men might meet to legislate for the public good and yet think of little else than their party's good. If the history of this winter does not open the eyes of the American people to the nature and the mischiefs of party spirit, then we must go on until this state of things is no longer tolerable, and must be swept aside.

The Republicans are rather better off for the session, through the very unfairness of their enemies. Long ago it was announced that there was to be a general overhauling of things as soon as the Democrats got into power, and a terrible display of Republican depravity. For two years past, we have had these disclosures always about to be made, but never has anything worth speaking of come to light. The whole result seems to be that the party is not made up of such scoundrels as the other honestly believes, and that the Treasury has been comparatively safe in its hands. The worst misdeeds of Republican rule were exposed by a Republican Congress, and its Democratic successor has not found the harvest as plenteous as it hoped.

THE extra session presents at once the Democratic opportunity and their temptation. To judge from present indications, they seem inclined to embrace both at once, if that be possible. They are anxious at once to shape their actions so as to inspire the public with confidence in their discretion, and to achieve the partisan results which can only be reached by inspiring the public with alarm. Mr. Randall's election was a good sign, whether or not it was achieved by Mr. Tilden's influence. The seating Mr. Hull, of Florida, was exactly the reverse; it shows that the spirit of partisanship has not yet been cast out of the House, and that nothing will be left undone to add to the slender majority. In these matters of election contests, the House is becoming nearly as shameless as the English Parliament used to be, and some method like that now in use in England, for referring all such cases to an impartial tribunal, is very much needed. It would need an amendment to the Constitution, however, to give it effect.

As to the main purpose of the extra session, the abolition of protection to the American voter, the party has simply no prospect of success. Even Mr. Hayes will not sanction any such law. His public utterances on the subject, immediately after the last election, are enough to show this. He is not so wedded to his Southern policy as to be willing to give the Southerners carte blanche. The danger is that some cunning compromise may be passed through Congress, by which the present safe-guards shall be minimized and pared down, on pretence of economy, until little more than the form of protection is left. And Mr. Hayes, we fear, is not the man to see through and resist such an attempt.

MR. TILDEN is evidently laying his plans for the capture of the Democratic nomination to the presidency in 1880; and the indications point to his securing a majority of votes in the National Convention, although the two-thirds rule gives his opponents an opportunity which they will certainly embrace if it be possible. As usual, the man's foes are those of his own household; and Mr. Tilden has no such determined enemies as among his old colleagues in the Tammany Hall organization. They have spared no pains to let the public know that they regard the cipher dispatches as ruinous to his political reputation, and that they will give a vigorous