CONTENTS. Page. CHAP. I. The local scheme primarily eleemosynary VIII. Manchester in 1834 and 1852 IX. Manchester compared with other towns XI. The same subject continued XII. Mr. Richson's system of poor relief XV. The same subject continued XVI. A school rate compared with common rates PART II.—THE DETAILS OF THE LOCAL BILL. Page Chap. I. The Bill superfluous, costly, unjust, uncharitable, and injurious 72 II. The Bill destructive to educational effects on the voluntary system 77 III. The Bill entails government control 79 IV. The Bill creates a religious endowment 82 V. The Bill provides unsatisfactorily for new schools. 85 VI. The Bill violates liberty of conscience in the child 88 VII. The Bill violates liberty of conscience in the rate-payer . 92 VIII. The Bill makes capricious use of the Minutes of the Committee of Council 98 IX. The Bill objected to by numerous and influential parties 99 Conclusion 101 . . APPENDIX. I. Hulme's Charity . 105 107 A REVIEW, &c. INTRODUCTION. BULKY as it is, the volume before us* is only a fragment in relation to the subject of which it treats. The subject itself is of the highest social interest and importance, it being no less than the entire question of National Education, and of a total revolution in the method of promoting it; but the blue book of 600 pages now vouchsafed to the public does not present to them a discussion of the question as a whole, or even a complete investigation of the local topics more immediately raised. Moreover, we have evidence merely, no conclusion ; and partial evidence only, requiring that the thread now abruptly cut should be resumed at some period hereafter, but at present unknown. The book is, in short, as we set out with saying, a fragment, and the public must regard it as nothing more. It is, however, a valuable fragment. Something has been done which will not need to be done again, and a portion of materials, more or less useful, has been contributed to a discussion, the beneficial conduct and termination of which requires no ordinary temper, discernment, and patience. We begin our further notice of the volume by a brief recital of its history; being thus led to mention some circumstances already widely known, but not so widely as the publication of this parliamentary document will require. Much honour is due to the men of Manchester; who have rendered that city so eminent, not only for manufacturing skill and commercial enterprise, but for public spirit and energetic action in relation to not a few of the great problems affecting the social and religious welfare of the community. The free-trade agitation had'its origin and vital seat in Manchester; and this important question was scarcely settled, when the noble-minded men who had been principally instrumental to its settlement took up the equally, we ought to say, the more important question of popular education. Appreciating, we must confess not at all too highly, the general value of education to the labouring classes, and anxious to promote its advancement at a rate adequate to the wants of a rapidly increasing population, they formed the Lancashire—now the National - Public School Association, having for its object to obtain the sanction of Parliament to a system of common schools supported by local rates. The idea of a schoolrate, which had been for a considerable time cherished by individuals as * Report from the Select Committee on Manchester and Salford Education, together with the Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence, Appendix, and Index. Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 21st June, 1852. B presenting the only remedy for what they consider to be the failing and exhausted resources of the voluntary system, was received with considerable public favour, and the new Association might have gathered round itself on this ground a very large proportion of the friends of educational progress, had not another, and a leading feature of their bill made it unpalatable to many. It proposed to provide schools for secular instruction only, leaving the incul. cation of religion to extra-scholastic efforts. Very naturally, considering the religious character hitherto all but universally given to popular education in England, this aspect of the scheme was, not merely unacceptable, but strongly repulsive, to a large class of zealous educationists, by whom subsequently a second association was formed, under the name of the Manchester and Salford School Committee, and having in view-still a rate, but the appropriation of it to none but schools of a religious character. After various endeavours to indoctrinate the Manchester community with their respective sentiments, and a somewhat zealous canvass for popular favour, both parties prepared for parliamentary war, and the public heard with some excitement of two bills which were about to be introduced into the House of Commons on the subject of popular education, and of the desperate struggle which was thereon to ensue. The Manchester and Salford Committee first took the field, and introduced their bill, we believe, on the first day of the Session on which it was possible to do so. Their tactics were clever, but unfair. As their bill related only to a district—the boroughs of Manchester and Salford, with the towuships of Broughton, Pendleton, and Pendlebury-its patrons had it brought in as a private bill; a course by which its discussion would have been much narrowed, while opposition to it would have been made in all cases fearfully expensive, and by many parties impracticable at any cost. Against this trick—for it was nothing better—the friends of Voluntary Education, who, at the last hour, had begun to bestir themselves, and had formed in London a Committee for opposing both the expected bills, promptly and earnestly protested ; and they were successful in obtaining the appointment of a Select Committee, to whom the House properly referred, neither the bill of the Manchester and Salford Committee nor the bill of the National Schools Association, (which, although notice was given of it, had not been brought in,) but the general question of the state of education in the district defined. So far a point was gained, not so much on behalf of any party, as on behalf of justice and free discussion. The appointment of the Committee, however, was not without its difficulties, it was requisite to represent so many parties, and so hard to satisfy those who were in the minority. Of known friends of secular education the proportion on the Committee was so large that the promoters of the local measure stated, through Mr. Brotherton, to whose hands their bill was confided, that they scarcely cared to open their budget before it, while the friends of voluntary education more loudly complained that not a single member of the Committee could be regarded as representative of them. To this latter mischief a partial remedy was applied by placing on the Committee the name of Mr. Peto; and thus constituted, that body commenced its public sittings on the 22nd of April, Mr. Milner Gibson, who moved the appointment of it, being its chairman. It had been in the first instance arranged that the promoters of the Local Scheme should lead the van, and go fully into their measure, that the promoters of the Secular Scheme should follow them at equal fulness, and that afterwards the Voluntaries and other dissentients should be heard in opposition. This arrangement, however, was not carried out. At the |