relied upon to range themselves more firmly around the Emperor against this hypocrite. The Austrian View The Vienna Reichspost received the following communication, which was accepted as the official view regarding the Pope's peace note: The Pope's note, which aimed at a just and durable peace, is in absolute harmony with the aims of the monarchy. As to concrete proposals, Austria is willing to evacuate occupied territories and renounce all claims to indemnities once the exhortations of the Pope regarding grad ual disarmament, the establishment of international arbitration and the full freedom of the seas, composing the guarantees necessary for the world's peace, are carried into effect, but under this last condition must be understood all the consequences deducible from the Pope's proposals-namely, that the naval bases of Great Britain at Gibraltar and Malta and near the Suez Canal shall disappear, as also the occupation of Avlona by Italy. As to the questions regarding AustroItalian territories, Italy has not the least right to territory which Austria has possessed for a century, and the autonomous population of Southern Tyrol and the populations of Istria, Dalmatia, and the littoral are opposed to union with Italy. How the German Chancellor Presented the DR. Peace Note R. MICHAELIS, the German Chancellor, presented the peace note of the Pope to the Main Committee of the Reichstag on Aug. 21, 1917. He first read a long and absolutely confident telegram from Field Marshal Hindenburg, and referred to the war aims of Germany's enemies as being groundless as ever, and as again disclosing the existence of secret arrangements. He then said: "It is easily to be understood that in view of the attitude of our enemies the German Press maintains that it is impossible for us to make fresh peace proposals." Here the Chancellor quoted the Vorwärts of Aug. 19, as follows: At no moment of the war has it been as clear as it is now that the responsibility for the prolongation of the war rests alone with our enemies. Their answer to our outstretched hand was a smashing blow with the fist. At this moment there is for us only one possibility, that is, to defend ourselves and our skin. "I think," continued Dr. Michaelis, "that this is the general feeling of our people. It is in such a situation as this that I now submit to you the peace demonstration contained in the Pope's note. The contents I believe are known to all of you. The fundamental ideas advanced therein correspond with the position which the Pope takes up in accord with his whole personality and his charge as the head of the Catholic Christendom. Pope's Attitude Welcomed "The Pope places in the foreground his conviction that the moral force of right should replace the material force of arms. On this foundation he develops his proposals for arbitration and disarmament. I cannot take up any definite position with regard to the material tenor of the proposals, or go into any detail regarding them until an agreement has been reached with our allies. It is only possible for me to explain my views in quite general terms, and I might do this in two directions. "I repudiate the suggestion that the Pope's proposal was inspired by the Central Powers. I affirm that the Pope's proposal, as made known through the press, was due to his spontaneous decision as head of the Roman Catholic Church. If I must make any reservation in regard to details, I can say at once that it corresponds to the attitude we have often made known and to our policy since Dec. 12 last, that we are sympathetically inclined toward every attempt to inspire thoughts of peace among the nations amid the misery of the war, and that we especially welcome the action of the Pope, which, in my opinion, is based on a sincere desire for impartiality and justice. The note was not the result of our initiative, but was put forward on the spontaneous initiative of the Pope. "We greet with sympathy the Pope's efforts by a lasting peace to put an end to the war of nations. In regard to the answer to the note we are communicating with our allies, and the negotiations have not yet been brought to an end. For the present I am unable to enter upon a closer discussion of material points in the Pope's note, but I am ready to discuss the matter further with the committee until our answer is ready. I express the hope that our common labor may bring us near to the desire which we all have at heart, namely, an honorable peace for the Fatherland." The Debate In the debate that ensued Socialist speakers welcomed the action of the Pope, as, they declared, they would welcome any steps which might bring about peace, and more especially because good results were expected of it. The Liberal Party declared its agreement with the Chancellor in his sympathetic interpretation of the Pope's action, and associated itself with the Chancellor's remarks upon it. Centre speakers likewise associated themselves with the Chancellor's remarks. They said they regarded the action of the Pope, whose impartiality was known throughout the world, as extraordinarily valuable progress toward the peace which was so ardently desired by all nations. The party expressed the hope that this historic act, supported by the most lofty ideals, would meet with full success. National Liberal speakers declared that they were not yet able to examine closely the material contents of the Pope's note, but could associate themselves with the words of the Chancellor. The Conservative Party also associated itself with the remarks of Dr. Michaelis, but reserved its attitude as to details. The German group especially welcomed the firm declaration of the Chancellor that the note had emanated spontaneously from the Pope, without any instigation by the Central Empires. The party re garded the Pope's action as more sympathetic than the previous attempt at mediation by President Wilson. Independent Socialists regretted that previous speakers had expressed only general sympathy with the note without entering into discussion. The Reichstag must not renounce its influence on the matter of drafting the reply. Pan-German Resolutions A campaign was launched early in September by Pan-Germans to have the leading cities of the empire, through their commercial and industrial bodies, answer the President's note by a fresh appeal for loyalty to the Kaiser. This was done by such leading cities as Hamburg, Bremen, Leipsic, Stettin, and others. The Hamburg Chamber of Commerce passed the following resolution on Sept. 4: With indignation we protest against the hypocritical criticism by President Wilson, who at present governs the United States with autocratic power. We shall not tolerate any interference by hostile Governments with the interior affairs of Germany. We strongly reject the repeated attempts to hold Germany responsible for the war, which is in gross contradiction to incontrovertible facts, and we shall most decidedly oppose efforts by the enemy to create dissension between the German people and the German Government. The whole German people are firmly determined to fight to a victorious end for the preservation of the German Empire, embodied in Kaiserdom, and for the removal of the arbitrary despotism exerted by England over the free seas. These rights can only be enforced against the onslaught of our enemies by the united power of our army and navy, which have sworn allegiance to the German Kaiser, and will remain loyal to their oath against a whole world of greedy enemies. Similar resolutions were passed by the Chamber of Commerce at Bremen, which sent the following telegram to the Kaiser: Bremen merchants raise an indignant protest against President Wilson's hypocritical reply to the Pope, in which he professes to combat the German Government in order to drive the American people, with whom Germany never had a quarrel, into a war which they reject. It is an impudent and brazen attempt to sow dissensions between the German Government and the people," while by British arbitrariness our noncombatants, children and women, are cut off from all outside supplies in order to exhaust the nation by hunger. This attempt can only fill with indignation and contempt German merchants who have had the opportunity in foreign lands to compare German with foreign conditions. In this hour Bremen merchants pledge themselves to unalterable allegiance to your Majesty, wearer of the imperial crown, as the empire's guardian, ALL rewon after centuries of long struggles by the united German people in 1871. They again declare their unalterable confidence and belief in a victorious outcome of this righteous war of defense. In the course of his speech the President of the Chamber, Herr Fabrius, said no other enemy utterance had evoked such wrath in every German heart as President Wilson's note, in which the most sacred rights of the German Nation were assailed. Democratic Agitation in Germany LL reports from Germany during the first two weeks of September indicated deep political unrest and violent agitation among the various political factions. The Main Committee of the Reichstag was in session late in August and adjourned Aug. 29, until the assembling of the Reichstag late in September. Upon adjournment it was announced that a motion by the Social Democrats and Independent Socialists recommending abolition of martial law failed of acceptance. Resolutions presented by the majority parties calling for abrogation of the political censorship and containing recommendations for modification of other censorial restrictions were adopted, as was a recommendation of the coalition parties for nullification of an order of the Federal Council, dated Aug. 3, subjecting motion pictures to rigid censorship. All reports regarding the sessions of this committee indicated that there was extreme tension and bitter disagreements and debates, but no official reports of the proceedings were given out. One speech of Chancellor Michaelis at a session of the committee was given out Aug. 23. He was quoted as follows: As regards our enemies, their number has increased since the adjournment of the Reichstag by three, namely, Siam, Liberia, and China. These countries have no convincing reason for enmity against us. They acted solely under pressure of the Entente and the United States, the latter having great influence over Liberia and China. We have made it clear to these countries that we shall bring them to account for the damage done under international law to German interests. After referring to the solidarity of Germany and her allies, the Chancellor read a telegram from Field Marshal von Hindenburg saying that the military situation was more favorable for Germany than ever. The Chancellor added: Our success on land corresponds with our success on the sea. In the month of July, according to the latest reports received, 811,000 tons of shipping were sunk. When we take into consideration our results on the one hand and the failures of our enemies on the other, it appears to be incomprehensible that our enemies show no disposition to prepare the way for consideration of terms of peace, not to mention peace which includes renunciation. I was able to show recently by information regarding a Franco-Russian secret treaty what far-reaching war aims France had and how England supported French desires for German land. Only recently a member of the British Cabinet declared that there would be no peace until the German armies had been thrown across the Rhine. I am now able to show that further arrangements were made by the enemy regarding their war aims, some of the details of which were already made known to the committee on an earlier occasion. I proceed in chronological order: On Sept. 7, 1914, the enemy coalition decided only to conclude a joint peace. On March 4, 1915, Russia made the following peace demands, of which England approved by note on March 12 and France by note of the same date, namely: Russia to receive Constantinople, with the European shore of the strait; the southern part of Thrace as far as the Enosmidia line, the islands in the Sea of Marmora, the islands of Imbros and Tenedos, and, on the Asia Minor side, the peninsula between the Black Sea, the Bosporus, and the Gulf of Ismailia as far as the River Sakarieh in the east. This basis was laid down, and the negotiations continued their course in 1915-16. In the course of them Russia obtained the promise of the Armenian vilayets of Trebizond and Kurdistan, and Messina and the Hinterland, extending northward as far as Sivas and Kharput. England's share was to be Mesopotamia, and the rest of Turkey in Asia was to be divided into English and French spheres of interest. Palestine was to be internationalized, and the other districts inhabited by the Turks and Arabs, including Arabia proper and the holy places of Islam, were to be formed into a special federation of States under British suzerainty. When Italy entered the war she demanded her share of the booty. Fresh negotiations were opened, which in nowise pointed at renunciations. I think we shall have further details about them, which will be published later. With such far-reaching enemy war aims it may be understood why Mr. Balfour lately stated that he did not consider it advisable to make a detailed statement on the war policy of the Government. Those are the bottom facts as they appear to us at the present moment, when we visage the possibility of concluding peace. THE The British Official View HE first British official expression on the subject of the Pope's peace note was uttered by Lord Robert Cecil of the War Cabinet, Minister of Blockade. In a statement issued Aug. 31, 1917, and regarded as expressing the British official view, he said: The President's note is a magnificent occurrence. It thrilled us all over here, and the opinions which I heard expressed by representatives of allied countries were equally warm and appreciative. I am certain that none of the allies would be able to improve upon it, and I am not certain that none of the allies would be necessary. There does not appear to me to be anything inconsistent as between the President's note and the economic policy of the Allies declared at the Paris conference. The resolutions of the Allies were purely defensive measures, and in no way aggressive. They had in view the necessity for restoring the economic life of the Allies and protecting ourselves against any aggressive and militarist commercial policy which might be pursued by our enemies after the war. German schemes for driving their allies into a Central European commercial bloc show that such a policy is a real danger. We do, indeed, hold that in this struggle economic considerations are as vital as purely military and naval measures. We have to maintain and foster the economic strength of those who are fighting the Central Powers quite as much as we have to organize our armies and navies. We Allies also believe that we are right in attacking the economic strength of our enemies with every legitimate weapon at our command. That is why we rejoice at the vigorous policy which the United States is pursuing in regard to exports and other matters. Depend upon it, there is no more potent weapon with which to bring home to Germany the folly and wickedness of her militarist leaders than to show her that war does not pay even in the strictest commercial sense. Germans are fond of boasting of their war maps and pointing to the territories which they have overrun. They forget that in the pursuit of their militarist policy and their contempt for all international law and the rights of noncombatants and neutrals, they have arrayed against themselves forces whose commercial and financial resources are immeasurably greater than their own. Hardly a week passes without some indication that even those nations which still remain neutral are getting to the end of their patience. It is scarcely extravagant to say that if the war goes on many months longer the Central Powers will find literally the whole of the rest of the world arrayed in arms against them. That is a state of things which gives rise to two observations. In the first place, it shows that in the modern world military force is not everything; that even if the German armies were really as successful and invincible as the Kaiser and his Generals boast, the future of Germany would still be increasingly dark. The second observation is more full of hope. It indicates, perhaps, the real solution of the greater world problem of the day, namely, how we can take precautions to prevent future wars. The great difficulty of all schemes for leagues of nations and the like has been to find an effective sanction against nations determined to break the peace. I will not now discuss at length the difficulties of joint armed action, but every one who has studied the question knows they are very great. It may be, however, that a league of nations, properly furnished with machinery to enforce the financial, commercial, and economic isolation of any nation determined to force its will upon the world by mere violence, would be a real safeguard for the peace of the world. In any case that is a subject that may well be studied by those sincerely anxious to put an end to the present system of international anarchy. American Labor on War and and Peace Since the United States entered the war the President has upon three notable occasions clearly and explicitly set forth the American aim, the objects which must be attained by any peace to which the United States can agree. We refer especially to the war message of April 2, 1917, the note to Russia on May 26, and the reply to his Holiness the Pope, dated Aug. 27, 1917. The war objects stated by the President in these historic documents were as follows: 1. Recognition of the rights and liberties of small nations. 2. Recognition of the principle that government derives its just power from the consent of the governed. 3. Reparation for wrongs done and the erection of adequate safeguards to prevent their being committed again. 4. No indemnities except as payment for manifest wrongs. 5. No people to be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live. 6. No territory to change hands except for the purpose of securing those who inhabit it a fair chance of life and liberty. 7. No readjustments of power except such as will tend to secure the future peace of the world and the future welfare and happiness of its people. 8. A genuine and practical co-operation of the free peoples of the world in some common covenant that will combine their forces to secure peace and justice in the dealings of nations with one another. The resolution then points how, in his Russian note and again in his address at Washington on June 14, President Wilson gave a solemn warning against the sort of peace desired by the German military power, and how, in his note to the Government of Russia on May 26, he stated that America was "fighting for no advantage or selfish object of her own, but for the liberation of peoples everywhere from the aggressions of autocratic force." The resolution concludes: We, the men and women of the trade union and Socialist movements of America, organized into the American Alliance for Labor and Democracy, in submitting this record to our fellow-citizens, assert that in all history no Government has ever stated its aims on entering a war, or while such war was being fought, with anything approaching the definiteness, clarity, and candor revealed by these utterances. We assert, moreover, that in all essential particulars the aims thus set forth are entirely consistent with the great ideals of democracy and internationalism, for which the American labor movement has always stood and which are fundamental to its being. We rejoice at the fact that we are thus solemnly committed to the principle of the complete autonomy and independence of nations. Only upon the basis of this generous nationalism can anything like a great and worthy internationalism be established. We rejoice, too, that this nation is thus solemnly pledged not only to refrain from attempting to extend its own dominion over any other nation or people, but to use its great influence to the end that no nation shall "attempt to extend its policy over any other nation or people." We approve unreservedly the distinction drawn by the President between the German people and their Government, and we believe that by insisting that peace cannot be made with the Hohenzollern dynasty, but only with a democratized Germany, the President of the United States has, as befits his great station, rendered noble service to the cause of international democracy. |