were the scene of a struggle of extreme violence. The troops of the Sixty-first Division, the gallant soldiers of the Grenadier Brigade of Sardegna, (First and Second Regiments,) the Siena, (Thirty-first and Thirty-second Regiments,) and Bari (139th and 140th Regiments) Brigades, engaging in frequent handto-hand struggles, by a stubborn defense and by delivering several counterattacks, succedeed in getting the better of the enemy, who, suffering very severe losses, was forced to abandon the attack.

These positions, the real key to the line reached during the recent offensive on the Carso, and which gloriously withstood wave after wave of furious enemy assaults, remained firmly in the possession of the Italians.

Italians Retire, Fighting Fiercely

To the right, south of Jamiano, where detachments pushed well forward had been obliged to halt, the Italian fire had come to a standstill. The position was not an advantageous one from a tactical point of view, and the short time which elapsed between the Italian offensive and the Austrian action had not given the Italians the opportunity to modify these conditions to their advantage. It was therefore necessary to retire, not so much for the onset of the Austrians, as to withdraw the line from the destructive effects of the artillery. The ground abandoned by the Italians was a strip from 200 to 800 meters on a front of slightly more than two kilometers. It was the only advantage gained in what the enemy intended to be a complete recovery from the reverse suffered during the second half of May. A further 585 prisoners, including thirty officers, were taken during this defensive fighting.

The positive results of the Italian offensive during the Spring were conspicuous, as has been said, for the tactical objectives arrived at, and they were no less important for the damage inflicted on the Austrians. Besides the 24,260 prisoners, (including 634 officers,) it is calculated that at least 100,000 men were placed hors de combat. No obstacle and no force was able to arrest the Italian infantry, which fought tirelessly on difficult ground during continuous attacks and counterattacks for eighteen days without interruption and without rest.

The co-operation of siege, field, and mountain artillery was most effective. Some batteries did not hesitate to advance with the infantry to the line of fire. Ten British batteries of medium calibre and the Royal Navy artillery contributed most efficiently. The trench mortar batteries and machine-gun companies greatly distinguished themselves, the former in destroying enemy entanglements and trenches, the latter in accompanying the infantry in the assaults and in strenuously defending the positions attacked. Though the cavalry was not employed in its particular tactical task, it contributed largely

with officers and soldiers to the forming of trench mortar batteries and machine-gun companies, paying its tribute of blood. The aviators, with great valor, did most useful reconnoitring and offensive work. All the special sections of the engineers distinguished themselves by working calmly under fire and fighting, when necessary, side by side with the infantry. The sappers, telegraphists, bridging, mining, and train companies, the balloon sections, and the aerial cableway sections all contributed to the success. Excellent work was done by the Royal Army Medical Corps, Red Cross, and Military Order of Malta services and by the supply, motor-car, and railway services.

Action on the Trentino Front

The Austrians had not had time to recover from their reverse on the Isonzo when the energy of the Italian troops obliged them to defend themselves on the Asiago Plateau. Notwithstanding the advantage of their defensive positions, which nearly everywhere dominated the Italian ones, the Austrians were here obliged to constantly change the position of their troops to the points threatened by the intense bombardments and infantry raids of the Italians, who dealt them a series of reverses, which, according to reliable information, had a demoralizing effect on their capacity for resistance,

In the more southern part of the sector the Fifty-second Division, with its "Alpini " and "Bersaglieri " units and the Piemonte Brigade, (Third and Fourth Regiments,) in close co-operation with the artillery of all calibres, were gradually able to capture and hold against numberless counterattacks the Agnella Pass and the massif of Mount Ortigara, the summit of which is 2,105 meters (6,904 feet) high, (June 10-19.)

Altogether 1,500 prisoners, including 85 officers, were captured.

In

Besides these operations of strategic importance, many other minor tactical actions took place in various other parts of the front, and are the best proof of the fighting spirit of the Italian troops and their aptitude in overcoming the difficulties of mountain warfare, which requires besides high military qualities also patient and tiring work. this way the successful explosion of a mine on the Colbricon permitted the Italians to extend their occupation, and repeated enemy counterattacks were repulsed, April 13, 14, and 18. On April 22 an advanced post was recaptured and most of the garrison made prisoner near the Tre Cime Shelter Hut, (Drei Zinnen Hütte,) at the head of the Rienza. During the night of April 23 Austrian raids were repulsed on the Zugna, (Adige Valley,) in the Campovedil (High Cordevole) and Gabrie (west of Tolmino) areas, while an Italian detachment occupied by surprise an advance post near Castagnavizza, capturing the defenders.

An immense mine was exploded by the Austrians on the Piccolo Lagazuoi (Rio Coste

ana) on the night of May 23, causing a big landslip, which, however, did but little damage, at once made good by the Italian defenses.

The Italians, on their part, during the night of June 22, exploded a powerful mine under the Austrian positions on Hill 2668, on the southern edge of the Piccolo Legazuci, destroying all the enemy garrison and establishing themselves on the summit itself. During the second half of May and at the beginning of June some "Alpini parties, by boldly scaling the heights, succeeded in occupying several dominant points at the head of the Zebrù Valley, (Ortler,) and on June 15, with the help of skiier sections, the Corno di Cavento, the key to the defense of the Fumo and Genova Valleys, was captured. Aerial Activity

During this period of the offensive the Italian airmen took a conspicuous part in brilliant air fighting, in patient and continuous reconnoitring flights, and in successful bombing raids.

Thirty-five Austrian machines were brought down in air fights or by anti-aircraft guns. Large quantities of explosives were several times dropped on the Austrian railway lines and on their points of assemblage at Volcia Draga, Rifemberga, Opcina, S. Daniele, (Branizza,) S. Lucia, (Tolmino,) in the Adige and Brenta Valleys, and on the Asiago

Plateau.

The Vipacco Valley, where Austrian troops and hutments were massed, and where there was intense convoy and artillery traffic, was bombed day and night by airships and airplanes with successful results.

Veritable air battles took place on May 23 over the Austrian lines at Medeazza and Flondar, and on June 19 during the fighting in the Mount Ortigara area. During these battles reconnoitring airplanes preceded in the vanguard to discover the enemy guns, the big battle-planes followed closely, dropping immense quantities of explosives on the enemy's trenches, and even flying low enough to attack with their machine guns, while chasing-planes effectively carried out their work of protection by engaging the numerous enemy machines which attempted to repulse them.

The Italian Army has thus victoriously entered on its third year of war, proving by its great increase in material and continued progress in organization that it is ably seconded by an incessant display of physical and moral energy on the part of the entire nation in arms, which, conscious of the value of the work done and of its own strength, has perfect faith in the final victory.

[The story of Italy's Summer campaign of 1917 appears in the earlier pages of this issue of CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE.]

A

WHITE BOOK, containing the Greco-Serbian Treaty, and documents relating thereto and to the Germano-Bulgarian incursion into Eastern Macedonia, was distributed to the Deputies of the French Chamber on Aug. 17, 1917.

The documents establish that there existed an agreement between the Athens Government and the Central Powers. It first appears in a telegram from General Bairas to the General Staff, stating that a Bulgarian Major had a meeting with a Greek officer and declared that, in virtue of an agreement between General von Mackensen and the Athens Government, an occupation extending to two kilometers within the Greek frontier, provided it was a strategical necessity, was allowed at any point, and that consequently the heights surrounding Lechovo had been occupied. The following day General Yanakitsas, the Minister of War, telegraphed to the commander of the Kavalla Army Corps that it had only agreed that the Germano-Bulgarians could advance to the frontier line, but under no circumstances must doubt be cast on the Bulgarian officers' good faith, nor should force be used, as the maintenance of friendly relations was desired.

Then comes a letter from Count von Mirbach, the German Minister, to M. Skouloudis, the Premier, stating that, in view of the movements of the Allies' troops, the Germano-Bulgars were compelled to enter Greek territory in order to insure free transit through Rupel Pass. Count von Mirbach formally declared that this was a purely military necessity, that Greek sovereignty would be respected, and that the population would be well treated. Similar assurances were given by M. Passaroff, the Bulgarian Minister.

Charges Against Premier

At this juncture M. Skouloudis sent protests to the Entente Powers, and it is charged that this was done to deceive them. A few days later M. Skouloudis

made a statement to Parliament regarding the occupation of Rupel Pass, in which, it is charged, he misrepresented the facts.

Another document is the following telegram from the Greek Minister in Berlin, addressed to M. Skouloudis:

Have reason believe we must keep in view probability Germano-Bulgar advance into Rupel Pass.

Other documents from a German source certify the existence of an agreement regarding Fort Rupel, and furnish evidence of understandings with the Bulgars.

Reports were received from Greek diplomatists and provincial authorities concerning Bulgarian atrocities against Greeks, with a view to the annihilation of the Greek element in Eastern Macedonia, but these reports were shelved.

The documents include a telegram from the Greek Minister at Bucharest to M. Gounaris, stating that he had been informed by a British colleague that, according to sure information, Germany had categorically assured the Sofia Government that Greek neutrality had been definitely insured, even in the event of a Bulgarian attack against Serbia. On receipt of this telegram M. Gounaris addressed a telegraphic circular to all Greek Legations, communicating the Bucharest telegram, and requesting them to state if an opportunity offered

that a Bulgarian attack against Serbia could not leave Greece indifferent, and that the only result of a Turco-Bulgarian agreement would be the further cementing of the ties uniting those countries.

M. Gounaris's subsequent attitude showed that this telegram was issued for effect only, and was not acted upon.

Telegram to the Kaiser

Telegrams exchanged between the Kaiser and King Constantine when Great Britain declared war on Germany reveal the attitude of the King. Replying to the Kaiser's telegram recalling

reasons why Greece should stand by Germany's side, King Constantine telegraphed, through the Berlin Legation:

The Emperor knows that my personal sympathies and political opinions draw me toward him, and I shall never forget that it is to him we owe Kavalla. After mature consideration, however, I fail to understand how I could serve his purpose by the immediate mobilization of my army. The Anglo-French fleets rule the Mediterranean, and would destroy our warships and merchant navy. They would occupy our islands and would prevent the concentration of my army, which can only be effected by sea, there being no railways. Without being able to render him any service we would disappear from the

map.

Consequently I am of opinion that circumstances impose on us neutrality which can be profitable to him, considering that I engage not to harm his friends and my neighbors, so long as they do not harm our local Balkan interests.

The Greek Minister in Berlin sent a dispatch to King Constantine, the principal passage in which is: "Von Jagow has told me that he thinks the Emperor will understand the necessity expressed by your Majesty of maintaining neutrality for the present. Von Jagow repeated to me the advice he had formerly given, to come as speedily as possible to an understanding with Sofia and Constantinople, adding that Serbia today constituted the skin of the bear.'"

New King's Throne Speech

An Athens dispatch of Aug. 4, 1917, gave the following text of the speech which the young King Alexander made from the throne after taking the oath to the Constitution in the Chamber of Deputies:

It is with sincere joy that I address this first greeting to the representatives of the nation. You know the events which brought about some months ago the division of the Hellenic State, but the benevolent solicitude of the protecting powers of Greece succeeded, without sacrifices or an internal struggle, in reconstituting the national unity by the re-establishment of liberal institutions. The conditions upon which the transmission of the royal power was effected have clearly shown the path to be followed in the future. They render necessary the appeal to the national sovereignty, so as to revise and consolidate at the same time as the throne a form of government established on the basis demanded by the popular will, to decide in

the most precise fashion the extent of the sovereign rights of the people as well as the extent of the royal authority as defined by the Constitution, by giving it the democratic character which is the desire of the dynasty. "The royal power resides in the love of the people," but foreign events did not permit the immediate convocation of the National Assembly, and that is why, in order to inaugurate the new constitutional era which we are entering, we have repealed the decree which by a violation of the Constitution dissolved the Chamber, and have convoked this Chamber for its regular second session.

Gentlemen, I am glad to inform you that my Government, faithful to national tradition, has already given its foreign policy the orientation approved by the people at the elections of May 31 and ratified by the Chamber. After two glorious wars Greece desired peace, of which she had great need, in order to retrieve her sacrifices and to regain her strength with a view to reorganizing the State recently enlarged, and to render it capable of accomplishing its great civilizing mission in the East. Greece was therefore grieved to see a new war break out which would result in a general conflagration, setting against one another two worlds, two civilizations, and two opposed conceptions of nationalities and of humanity. Indeed, it would have been sufficient for little Greece to remember her traditions, her history, and her duty in order not to hesitate spontaneously to offer her feeble forces to that group in the conflict whose war aim was to defend the rights of nationalities and the liberty of peoples.

The Hereditary Enemy

But more imperious obligations called Greece into the same camp, and she has therefore now adopted an attitude which duty and honor imposed upon her toward the brave and chivalrous ally-the defense of the rights of Hellenism and the debt of gratitude contracted for her original liberation and for the protection which she has always enjoyed. If it had been given to the entire nation to follow as soon as possible such a policy, it would more rapidly and more effectively have assured the defense of the country against the hereditary enemy. Part of the Greek Army has fortunately had occasion to prove at the front its value and morale by heroic acts, thanks to which Greece has been able to regain the esteem of the allied armies and foreign public opinion, and her prestige, until then so deeply sullied, and to avoid the national catastrophes which were threatening her. The heroism and self-sacrifice of the troops at the front are a most happy augury for the ultimate fate of the struggle undertaken by united Greece, for they are evi

dence of the fine pride and gallantry of the Hellenic Army.

Faithful to this policy, my Government has already recalled the representatives of Greece from the capitals of the enemy countries. The first result of this policy has been the decision taken at the last conference in Paris to re-establish in its integrity the sovereignty of the State by the abolition of all the controls recently imposed, and by the evacuation of the Epirus and the other regions occupied by the Allies. Greece is justly proud to have found in this conference the same consideration as her powerful protectors and allies. My Government will submit to you the legislative measures necessitated by the needs of the war, convinced that it will have your whole support, but the country has other needs than these as the result of the existence of a state of war. * * *

I appeal to your unanimous aid in studying the measures indicated in the present circumstances as regards the economical situation of the State and the country. Gentlemen, never has the country passed through a more serious period. Greece has to defend her territory against barbarous aggressors. But if in the trials of the past Greece has been able, thanks to the civilizing strength of the morale of the race, to have overcome the conquerors and to rise free amidst the ruins, today it is quite a different matter. The present cataclysm will decide the definite fate of Helenism, which, if lost, will never be restored. I am convinced that to accomplish the great and difficult task which the country has undertaken it will have assistance equal to the danger of which you are aware. I am also certain that the self-sacrifice of the Hellenic people I will rise to the heights demanded by the struggle to which we have been called by the supreme care of our national defense, and for which I wish success by invoking the Divine assistance.

Monarchy on Final Trial Premier Venizelos made a definite statement on Aug. 25 regarding the pos

sibility of a Greek republic. It was delivered in the Chamber of Deputies at Athens, and was elicited by a speech of George Cafantaris, Chairman of the delegation which recently visited America, who said he was deeply impressed with what he had observed of republican institutions in the United States. He moved the Government's draft of the reply to the throne speech, but closed with a strong expression in favor of the establishment of a Greek republic.

M. Venizelos promptly made a short declaration to the effect that the views of M. Cafantaris did not represent the Government's position. He said he had often told the former King Constantine that the nations of the world were gradually approaching the idea of abolishing the institution of kingship and it depended upon the existing Kings themselves to hasten or postpone this inevitable consummation. Unfortunately, Constantine's policy had been such as to deal a mortal blow to the idea of a monarchy, and many Greeks who formerly opposed a republic now admitted its advisability in principle, though he considered it still premature.

66 The Government, nevertheless," continued the Premier, "is of the opinion that it is our duty to give the monarchy another trial. This, of course, is a final trial, but I am sure that the Greek people and the coming Constituent Assembly will be disposed to render possible the continuation of our present system of democracy presided over by a King."

This statement was received with prolonged applause, as clearly defining the Government's position on the on the recent growing tendency toward a republic.