once again his views on world peace and his views on how perhaps we can all work together to help in that regard. He has devoted his whole life to serving God. And the things that we focused on in this meeting were broad questions of peace and freedom and justice as they apply, or might be applied, all around the world. So, it's a talk that I'll long remember. I leave once again inspired by his moral and spiritual leadership, and I know that that same leadership inspires everyone here-all of you, certainly, as well as has your faith, I might say, in an Almighty through whom all things are possible.

I wish you well. I'd like-lest you don't recognize him-to introduce not all of my colleagues but our distinguished Secretary of State, my friend, Jim Baker over here. Next to him is my Chief of Staff, Governor John Sununu. And then next to him is General Brent Scowcroft, my national security adviser. I'm sure most of you recognize our Ambassador to the Vatican, Frank Shakespeare, and his daughter with him.

Bless you all. Thank you for this warm, warm welcome.

[At this point, the seminarians broke into a spontaneous rendition of "God Bless America."]

Bless you all. Thank you for this warm, warm welcome. And it makes me determined to leave here, inspired as I am, redouble our efforts in every way possible for world peace, for strength, for the family, for freedom of religion, and all the things that everybody here believes in. Thank you for such a warm, cordial welcome. I can't tell you how good it makes me feel.

Note: The President spoke at 7:18 p.m. in the Sala Clementina at the Vatican.

Toast at a Dinner Hosted by Prime Minister Ciriaco De Mita in Rome, Italy

May 27, 1989

Mr. Prime Minister and leaders of the legislative branch, distinguished guests, it's a very great honor for me to be welcomed

in such a warm and generous way by the Italian people and their government. You know, Barbara and I have been to this marvelous country, this beautiful country, many times; and as always, we've been received with kindness and generosity. This trip is my first visit to Europe as President of the United States. And I think of no place that is better to begin than right here in Italy and to be right here in Rome.

Mr. Prime Minister, it is traditional when visiting Italy for American leaders to note the millions of our citizens who claim an Italian background, so I will brag-now 12 million, and rising. And among the many Italian-Americans, there are Fiorello La Guardia-some old enough to rememberJoe DiMaggio in sports; Tony Fauci, now at the National Institute of Health; and of course, our Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia.

And Italian-Americans are one link that binds the United States and Italy-but only one. For we are united by our belief in individual liberty, human dignity, and the rule of law, and by the shared values of family, faith, and work.

We also admire your country's record of success in combating terrorism and organized crime. And I'm especially grateful for your help in stopping the scourge of narcotics, which torments both our nations. We're going to continue our intense cooperative efforts to fight terrorism and narcotics and to protect air travelers. And just as this cooperative effort brings our peoples even closer together and helps to strengthen our already excellent bilateral relations, so, too, will the action that I'm pleased to announce tonight.

After studying ways to relax U.S. visa requirements, we will soon begin a pilot program to end these requirements for your citizens. In the future, Italians who wish to visit our country, whether as tourists or on business, will no longer need to apply for visas; and we look forward to that day.

But along with our domestic initiatives, I think, too, of the strong military ties between our two countries and within the Atlantic alliance, the most enduring alliance in the history of man. And to protect that alliance and the shared commitment to freedom which underlies it is our continu

ing mission not merely as Americans or Italians but as believers in democracy. Of this, I am certain: We will do our part, and I know Italy will do its part.

For when our common security has been in danger, you have stood ready to defend the alliance. And when the need arose for NATO to relocate that 401st Tactical Fighter Wing within southern Europe, Italy welcomed it. And when strategic interests were at risk in the Persian Gulf and in Lebanon, Italy sent ships and peacekeeping forces. And when NATO confronted widespread Soviet deployment of these multiple-warhead SS-20 missiles, Italy stood tall in response. And at times when Europe seemed ready to turn inward, you have reinforced our transatlantic ties. And for that, Mr. Prime Minister, Italy has our gratitude and our profound respect. So, together, let us reaffirm the ties that bind us. And let's continue to build peace and the commonwealth of free nations not for ourselves but also for our children, the kind of peace and freedom which lasts.

And in that spirit, Mr. Prime Minister, I ask all of our guests tonight to rise and raise their glasses. To Italian-American friendship, our transatlantic heritage, and to the Western alliance and the shared values of freedom and democracy that have made that alliance strong, and to your health, Mr. Prime Minister, and the peace and prosperity of your great country.

Note: The President spoke at 9:20 p.m. in the dining room at Villa Madama in Rome.

White House Fact Sheet on the Nonimmigrant Visa Waiver Pilot Program

May 27, 1989

The Nonimmigrant Visa Waiver Pilot Program (NVWPP) is a 3-year test program mandated by law (section 313 of the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986) to waive, under certain conditions, temporary visitor visas. The administration must report back to Congress on the pilot program in the summer of 1990.

The countries are selected by the Secretary of State and the Attorney General. They are countries with the highest volume of nonimmigrant visa issuance and which offer reciprocal treatment of American citizen travelers. The purpose of the program is to promote tourism and reduce visa processing costs.

The program was instituted in the United Kingdom and Japan in 1988. Italy is the third country to qualify for the program. Under the program, nationals of these countries, during the duration of the pilot program, will not be required to obtain visas to visit the United States for up to 90 days for tourism and business.

We will work with the countries that participate in the program to ensure the safety of air travelers and to thwart terrorism and drug trafficking.

Remarks to Members of the American
Embassy Community in Rome, Italy
May 28, 1989

Thank you, Mr. Secretary, and thank all of you for that warm Memorial Day weekend welcome. First, to Ambassador Rabb and Ruth, let me simply add our profound thanks for a job well done. I'll tell you, you stay around Max for about 24 hours, and that exhausting energy level is something. And it all has been steered into improving relations-this energy of his-improving relations between Italy and the United States.

And yesterday, when I met with the Italian leaders, I told them: I don't believe this bilateral relationship has ever been stronger. And I think a large bit of the credit for that goes to our able Ambassador and his wife. And then I'd have to add to every single one of you that works here in the United States Embassy: Thank you for a job superbly done.

I will say just a word about our new Ambassador, Pete Secchia, a good friend of both the Secretary's and mine. He'll do a good job-energetic. He knows what he doesn't know. He knows he's going to have to learn a lot from the staff here. But you're going to like him, and I'm convinced the Italians will as well. I believe the Senate

will act promptly on that nomination. And he and his Joan, that Jim Baker and I know very well, will be along; but what remarkably big shoes they have to fill.

Thanks, in large measure, to your efforts-I agree with Max-this visit has gone well. I saw Barbara Watson, who is the admin officer of the United States Embassy. And I looked at her very carefully before I went over and shook hands. And I wanted to see if she looked in a high state of irritation-[laughter] or if she looked perfectly normal. And I would say this-I saw her-it wasn't that she looked on edge at all. [Laughter] But I told her that we would leave on time, and she smiled from ear to ear and was very gracious. [Laughter] And I say all that because I have been on the receiving end-when I served in Chinathe receiving end of a visit from a President of the United States, and I know what it's like: a pluperfect pain. [Laughter] No, she was very pleasant about it. And it gives me the occasion to thank all of you—the admin and the security and the political side of the Embassy and commercial or military, whatever-for the superb cooperation. Our people tell me they've never seen a more cooperative effort, and I think it has shown through in the way this visit has gone. And I might say, parenthetically, my thanks to the members of the U.S. Navy for providing us that wonderful music here on this very celebratory day.

Now, we've had good talks here-substantive talks with President Cossiga and then, of course, with the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister. We had a gala evening last night and then-I agree with the objective side of what Max said about the ceremony at Nettuno. Oh, I'm sure most of you all have been there. And if you haven't, you've got to see it. You've got to see that tribute to those who gave their lives fighting for our country, fighting for freedom. It was very, very moving for Barbara and me. And I expect any American who goes and takes a look at that beautiful cemetery will have that with them for the rest of their lives. And so, I want to thank those who handle that end of our visit, those who serve to keep up that beautiful memorial to our fallen brothers.

I know, as I say, that this has been a complicated event. And now, as you know,

we go on from here to NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization], to the meeting there that is very, very important for the alliance. I happen to believe this alliance has never been stronger. And I salute my immediate predecessor, President Reagan, for his role in guaranteeing the strength of the alliance.

So, we go there in a time of great optimism, a time when our values worldwide are winning-the values of freedom and democracy and all the things that we believe in and things these kids learn about in school every single day and get from their families. So, it's an optimistic time for the alliance. And it's a great time for the United States of America. I look forward to that part of it.

But there was something more than symbolic about Italy being my first stop, because I think it signals to the Italian people how important we view not only their participation in NATO and their willingness to undertake complicated NATO assignments but the strength of our bilateral relationship that so many of you have worked many years to encourage and to strengthen. So, I'm grateful again for that. And please make no mistake: When we chose Italy, we did it very, very carefully. And we came here to symbolize exactly this: the strength of the friendship between our two peoples. Now, thank you all very much. What I really want to do and I don't know that we can talk these kids into it-but what I really want to do is see if we can get the kids and to be a kid, you've got to be[laughter-you guys are out-you've got to be, what, about 15 to come so we can have a group picture taken up here. And if anybody feels offended, we've got to do that. But in the meantime, let me end this way— because this is a marvelous Memorial Day weekend-and let me simply say, Thank you, and God bless the United States of America. Thank you all very, very much.

Note: The President spoke at 2:30 p.m. at the U.S. Ambassador's residence. He was introduced by Secretary of State James A. Baker III. In his opening remarks, the President referred to Ambassador Maxwell M. Rabb, Mrs. Ruth Rabb, and Amabassadordesignate Peter F. Secchia.

Remarks Upon Arrival for the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization Summit in
Brussels, Belgium
May 28, 1989

Mr. Prime Minister, it is really a pleasure to be back once again in Brussels. And I'm especially pleased that my first visit as President of the United States comes as the nations of NATO celebrate 40 years of alliance and the longest period of peace and freedom that Europe has known in the modern age.

Americans and Belgians share the memories of war and hard-won peace in this century. Flanders, the battle of Ardennes, Bastogne-those names are part of our history as well as your own, part of our shared heritage of freedom and the sacrifices it requires. Belgium, no stranger to conquest and division, recognized from the first the importance of alliance in the postwar world. And today, as permanent home to NATO and the European Community, Brussels stands at the center of a Europe free, at peace, and prosperous as never before, a Europe that is steadily moving toward the single market and unprecedented political and economic opportunities. In Brussels, the signs of this European renaissance are everywhere.

Belgium has been a good friend and a valued ally, one that has always acted with alliance interests in mind. Early in this decade, Belgium was one of five NATO nations that made the difficult decision to base INF systems on its own soil. And those deployments gave us the leverage that we needed to negotiate the first-ever nuclear arms reduction treaty, indeed, one that banned an entire generation of nuclear weapons. That's the kind of courageous and realistic approach that explains NATO's success. NATO is at once ready to ensure the common defense and to reduce arms and seek to diminish tensions with the East.

As I've said a number of times, we seek to move to a policy beyond containment. We want to see an end to the division of Europe, and we want to see it ended on the basis of Western values. We will join Western European nations in encouraging the process of change in the Soviet Union, pointing to the day when the Soviet Union

will be welcomed as a constructive participant in the community of free nations.

I'm looking forward to important discussions with the King of the Belgians, King Baudouin, and the NATO heads of government. I look forward, as well, to my meeting with Prime Minister Martens, my friend, my discussions also with Mr. Delors of the European Community, and Secretary-General Woerner at NATO.

The future of NATO depends on the alliance's ability to deal with our enduring security concerns and our evolving economic relationship. We look to Belgium to continue to play its important role in our close and cooperative transatlantic partnership. I am delighted to be back. And thank you, Mr. Prime Minister, for this warm welcome.

Note: The President spoke at 6:07 p.m. on the tarmac at Brussels International Airport. In his remarks, he referred to Jacques Delors, President of the European Communities Commission.

Remarks Announcing a Conventional Arms Control Initiative and a Questionand-Answer Session With Reporters in Brussels, Belgium

May 29, 1989

Conventional Arms Control Initiative

The President. I'll have a brief statement before taking some questions. This morning I met with the other NATO leaders and shared with them my views on the role of the North Atlantic alliance in a changing Europe. NATO, we all agree, is one of the great success stories, and it's guaranteed the peace in Europe, provided a shield for 40 years for freedom and prosperity. And now our alliance faces new challenges at a time of historic transition as we seek to overcome the division of Europe. I call it beyond containment.

And today I'm proposing a major initiative to help move us toward that momentous objective. If it were accepted, it would be a revolutionary conventional arms control agreement. I believe the alliance should act decisively now to take advantage of this

extraordinary opportunity, and I urge that NATO adopt a 4-point proposal to bring the Vienna negotiations to a speedy conclusion.

First, lock in Eastern acceptance of the proposed Western ceilings on each side's holdings of tanks and armored troop carriers. Additionally, we would seek agreement on a similar ceiling for artillery, provided there's some definitional questions that have to be resolved there. But all of the equipment reduced would be destroyed.

We would then, number two, expand our current NATO proposal so that each side would reduce to 15 percent below current NATO levels in two additional categories: attack and assault, or transport helicopters and all land-based combat aircraft. All of the equipment reduced would be destroyed.

And third, propose a 20-percent cut in combat manpower in United States-stationed forces and a resulting ceiling in U.S. and Soviet ground and air forces stationed outside of national territory in the Atlanticto-the-Urals zone at approximately 275,000 each. This manpower ceiling will require the Soviets to reduce their forces in Eastern Europe by about 325,000 people. Withdrawn soldiers and airmen on both sides would be demobilized.

And then, fourthly, accelerate the timetable for reaching a CFE [conventional arms forces in Europe] agreement along these lines and implementing the required reductions. I believe that it should be possible to reach such agreement in 6 months or maybe a year and to accomplish the reductions by 1992 or 1993.

Now, if the Soviet Union accepts this fair offer, the results would dramatically increase stability on the continent and transform the military map of Europe. We can and must begin now to set out a new vision for Europe at the end of this century. This is a noble mission that I believe the alliance should be ready to undertake. And I have no doubt that we are up to the task.

And incidentally, in addition to these arms control proposals I mentioned in there, that we are prepared to change our no-exceptions policy on trade. And I called again for a ban on chemical weapons. And I would reiterate my support for our open skies proposal, and in the meeting it was discussed by the Prime Minister of Canada.

Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press International]?

Q. Mr. President, does this revolutionary plan signal the end of the Cold War?

The President. Well, I don't know what it signals, except it signals a willingness on our part to really put Mr. Gorbachev to the test now. And so, I don't like to dwell in antiquated history. But I do like to get the idea that we are out front as an alliance, because this has broad alliance support, in challenging Mr. Gorbachev to move forward now more quickly on the most destabilizing part of the military balance, and that is on conventional forces.

Q. Well, were you pressured by him and the allies?

The President. No, I think I said when I first came in we were going to take our time and we were going to study and we're going to think it out. And we did exactly that. And you know and I know that some voices were raised in Congress that we were going too slow. But we knew exactly what we were doing all along, and we've now said: "This is what we suggest, and this is the way we plan to lead-lead the alliance and lead the free world."

Q. Mr. President, why is it possible to make such drastic cuts in conventional weapons and not move on nuclear aircraft-nuclear ground-based ground-based short-range missiles, which seems to disturb the Germans and really a majority of the alliance?

The President. Because the conventional forces, the existing imbalance, is so great that that is the most urgent problem and the most destabilizing.

Q. Following up on that question: If the Soviets accept this proposal, would that enable us to talk about reducing or eliminating short-range forces?

The President. After agreement was reached and after there was some implementation, yes. We are not unwilling to negotiate on SNF.

Q. What was the reaction of the NATO leaders this morning when you told them? Did you consult with all the allies before you put it on the table?

The President. We had widespread-and I would think everyone was consulted. I know we had widespread consultation and