quaintance, though of more recent date | coupled with any of the successors of than Richardson's heroine. It was Gambetta - at least, not in the way I

Mlle. Lange, of "Madame Angot" no-
toriety, who had played the title-rôle in
François de Neufchâteau's adaptation.
From which it would seem that the
Spartans of the Terror had an eye for a
pretty actress as well as the Sybarites
of the Directory. So the stern Clemen-
ceau need not deny his connection with
the Comédie-Française; he may take
heart of grace.
"Everything that hap-
pens has happened before," even in
the best regulated of republics.

would suggest. M. Henri Brisson is reputed to be as chaste "by temperament" as Robespierre, without being a "libertine in imagination," as the latter was accused of being. M. de Freycinet is to all appearance as pure as driven snow; he does not even pay an occasional visit to the green-room of the Comédie-Française or le foyer de la danse at the Opéra, which in France is supposed to be a test of a man's indifference to the blandishments of the fairer sex, though there must be exceptions, sceing that both MM. Floquet and Clemenceau go often, and that the former, at any rate, is voted

amourache, amourette, or amouraille away from the conjugal roof. For both he and M. Ferry have married into a family, one might almost say a dynasty

that of the Risler-Kestners — qui ne budine pas avec l'amour, either in the sense of Alfred de Musset, or in any other sense. Mme. Floquet made use

To those who know the French, one of the remarkable features in the two great scandals of the Third Republic has been the apparent absence of a woman's name from both the "Caffarel "above suspicion" as regards amour, affair" and the "Panama imbroglio." I am not overlooking the part played by Madame Ratazzi and her fellowadventuresses in the "traffic in decoratious," but no stretch of the imagination could construe that part into a crime passionnel or a passion criminelle, as M. Bérard des Glajeux, the eminent president of the Assize Courts, would say. recently of the expression, "RepubliGambetta, whose career bears more can nobility." She was as justified in than an accidental likeness to that of doing this as some New England famMirabeau, disappeared from the scene ilies would be in using the words "Pulike Mirabeau when the régimes they ritan nobility." The Risler-Kestners had endeavored to establish were vir- are both Puritan and republican. Altually very young, for- let there be no lowing for certain differences, Mmes. mistake- the Third Republic is not Floquet and Ferry remind one of Mme. unlike a girl in her teens who, by virtue Necker. If we are to believe the late of a long dress, would make herself - though still living - Mme. Clemenout to be older than she really is. ceau, her husband is the galantin of Nominally, the Third Republic dates the Third Republic, as Barrère was from the 4th September, 1870; virtu- the galantin of the Terror. Barrère ally, it dates from at least a year after said soft nothings to the fair petitionthe accession of Jules Grévy. Mira- ers that crowded his ante-chamber. beau's death was accelerated, if not He smiled on them, promised to look caused perhaps, by an imprudent sup- after their welfare, pretended to be per party at Mlle. Coulon's, the dan- moved by their looks and tears, and seuse; Gambetta's death was attributed played with love as a kitten plays with to a wound received accidentally in his a ball of knitting wool. M. Rouvier attempt to wring from a lady the pistol is a widower, the widower of Mme. with which she intended to kill her- Claude Vignon, who had been married self. Mme. Léona Lévy may be, for "spiritually" to Elliphas Lévy, one of all I know, dead, but I am not speak- the latter-day apostles of Saint-Simoning without foundation. Be this as it ism. Mme. Rouvier, before and after may, no woman's name was coupled her marriage, aspired to the role of a with any of the successors of Mira- Mme. Roland in the Third Republic. beau, no woman's name is prominently Those who know aver that she would

not have made even a "decent under- The scum of the Terror constituted
study," yet M. Rouvier still mourns itself the censor of stage plays and
her loss, and, unlike Mr. Graves, in was abetted by a Santerre, or some-
66 Money,"
," refuses to be drawn into thing of the kind; the scum of the
the net of any Lady Franklin who Third Republic in its second decade
would fain console him for the absence constitutes itself the censor at the
of his "sainted Maria." M. Quesnay Comédie-Française, and with a Lissa-
de Beaurepaire has the reputation of a garay at its head, hounds " Thermidor "
Fouquier-Tinville, i.e., invulnerable to off the stage, and the authorities are
woman's charms. There are several powerless to reinstate the piece. Dur-
Marats who have their Jane Evrards, ing the Terror there were in the Palais-
and an equal number of Dantons whose Egalité thirty-one gambling - houses,
wives are not even mentioned. Both and citizen Charon, the spokesman of
indulged in orgies now and then; they the Commune, estimated the number
had no "love affair" which influenced of "hells" in Paris at four thousand.
their actions. Their successors have There were "tripots" on every rung
taken their cues from them, at any of the social ladder. Anarcharsis Clootz
rate, apparently. M. Lozé, the prefect proposed to establish a Redoute ""
of police, has his prototype in the noto- Paris similar to that at Spa, Venice,
rious General Santerre, who, like him, and Geneva. Not many months ago
waged relentless war not only against the Café de la Paix virtually attempted
dogs, but also cats, but who left the to establish a "hell" by means of a
houris of the Palais - Egalité unmo- billiard-table. It was done too openly,
lested, and wanted to apply the Mal- that is why it failed. There are more
thusian doctrine "with a vengeance" than four thousand hells in Paris now.
to the canine and feline inmates of the Enough, for the deeper one goes, the
capital only.
more one is reminded of Alphonse
Karr's "Plus ça change, plus c'est la
même chose." Even the struggle be-

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Cavaignac might become a Robespierre
if he had the chance. What a magnifi-
cent opportunity he would have of
sending to the guillotine a president
with the name of Carnot!


So far the resemblance between the men of the two periods. Mirabeau was known to have accepted money tween the Jacobins and the Girondins from Marie Antoinette, Danton was is represented in a way in the Chamber suspected of having done the same. of Deputies to-day, and M. Godefroi If Gambetta accepted no money from Louis Napoleon, it was probably because none was offered. Those who will refer to his speech at Belleville in February (or March), 1870, will have no difficulty in arriving at the conclusion that the future dictator would have become a minister under the Empire if the Empire had lived - as Mirabeau would have become the Emile Ollivier of the constitutional monarchy under Louis XVI. Robespierre, the incorruptible, was proved to have trafficked with a journal, Le Défenseur de la Constitution, as the incorruptible M. de Freycinet is suspected of having trafficked with Le Télégraphe. If the "giants" of the Terror did not blackmail Panama companies, it was because there were no such companies to blackmail; as I have said, the difference of their corruptibility lies in the difference of their opportunities.


From The Gentleman's Magazine.


THE great misfortune which hap-
pened at Almeida 2 was soon known all

1 Diary of Events at the Convent of Bussaco in
Written by José
September and October, 1810.
de S. Silvestre, friar of the convent and eye-witness
of all that occurred. Translated, by the kind per-
mission of Senhor J. Martins de Carvalho, owner
of the original manuscript.

The explosion of the powder magazine, which

caused the death of five hundred persons and the

surrender of the fortress to the French.

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over Portugal, and on August 31, 1810, | shown his room; but though it was the the French army, commanded by Mas- best he objected to it because it had sena, continued its march in the direc-only one door, and chose another which tion of Viseu.

The Anglo-Portuguese forces under the English general, Lord Wellington, were encamped on the slopes of the Estrella Mountains, but, not being strong enough to oppose the French advance, they retired as far as the bridge of Murcella; and so rapidly was this movement effected that nothing was heard of it at Bussaco until just before the troops began to arrive.

On the afternoon of September 20, one of Lord Wellington's aides-de-camp knocked at our gate, and the moment it was opened he said, "I wish to see the convent at once. The generalcommandiug-in-chief slept last night at Lorvao, and will be here to-morrow about this hour. The French are already at Tondella.”

Having first told the prior, we showed the officer over the convent. He selected the best of the unoccupied rooms for the general, and ordered it to be whitewashed and scrubbed; then, after drinking some wine, he set off in great haste for Lorvao. Orders were given to prepare all the other rooms, and the day ended with much alarm on our part at the prospect of having to put up with such things as had never before been heard of in this convent.

The advance of the French being confirmed the following day, the prior gave orders for the administration of the holy sacrament, that the consecrated wafer might be consumed, and no irreverence be suffered by the great God whom we adore day and night.

had two doors but was not so well lighted; this one he ordered to be scrubbed, and while it was drying he inspected the ground and roads as far as Mortagua.

The officers of the staff took possession of all the cells except that of brother Antonio dos Anjos, which no one would have because he had filled it with all the potsherds, rags, and old iron he could pick up. The prior also, from motives of policy, was allowed to remain undisturbed.

While the convent was thus occupied the friars slept in the church, sacristy, library, pautry, and wherever they could find room. The cloisters were invaded by persons of all sorts and conditions an event which had never happened since their foundation; and the general having given orders that the bells should not be rung during the night, we had to assemble for matins at eight o'clock in the evening.

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During his stay at the convent Lord Wellington got up at 5 A.M.; at seven he went out to inspect the camp and troops, returning about 4 P.M., and dined at five. He sent us a message not to be alarmed, as he would let us know as soon as it was necessary to leave. The prior, however, to be on the safe side, ordered the oldest friars to set out at once, and despatched a cart laden with valuables to Coimbra.

About midday on the 23rd the noise of firing near Mortagua announced the approach of the enemy, and burning houses could be seen in the same direction. The English officers watched what was happening, and seemed very sad.

The firing continued next day, but with little effect, as only our outposts were engaged, and the main body continued to retreat.

At 8 A.M. the quartermaster-general arrived, and gave in a list of fifty officers for whom it was necessary to find quarters. This list was signed by the commander-in-chief and was accompanied by an order not to supply any further accommodation without instructions from him. The English troops then began to appear, and their numbers increased so fast that in an hour the convent and grounds were crowded with officers and baggage. The general arrived about the same time and was without difficulty.

A large number of peasants were. engaged in making a broad road along the crest of the ridge in the direction of Murcella, and in repairing the one which passed through the convent grounds, so that artillery might ascend

The other French division occupied the village of Sulla, and had ascended the height until close to our batteries, when the fog lifted and allowed them to be clearly seen. Owing to a hot fire from our artillery a great part of this column retreated rapidly down the hill, and our riflemen hissed them loudly, which caused much amusement to those who heard it. The firing was continued on both sides until 4 P.M.

On the 25th the French advanced to | was closed, and all who had passed Moura, a village not more than half a through were either killed or taken league distant; there they halted and prisoners. detached forces which took possession of the heights on both our flanks. The allied army responded to this movement by taking up a position along the summit of the range on each side of the convent. The hilltops were occupied by artillery, and a battery was placed within our grounds, so as to command the Sulla gate in case the enemy effected an entrance. The wall on both sides of this gate was knocked down to half its original height, and loopholed for musketry. Two regiments were held in readiness to repel any attack, and a barrier of oak-trees was placed on the outside; so that we were prepared for anything that might happen, though in the end none of these defences were required.

The regular life of the convent was entirely interrupted by the many disturbances around us.

The following morning, after having confessed and said mass, I went out with another priest to see the battle. At the door we met a peasant weeping bitterly. I asked him what was the matter, and he replied in a broken voice, "Don't you see those wounded Frenchmen ?" On looking down the hill I saw the men he pointed out, and indeed they were in such a miserable condition that, without wishing it, my own tears began to fall. One of them was shot through both cheeks, blood ran out of his mouth, and some of it had clotted on his lips - he could not speak a word. The others were not so

On the morning of the 26th the general ordered all his baggage to be removed. This caused us great alarm, and some of the friars made ready to leave. At midday, however, the baggage was brought back, and the gen-badly hurt, except four or five who had eral ordered dinner. This comforted us a little.

The French appeared in large numbers on the opposite hills, and gradually drew nearer. One column marched into Moura, and others occupied the neighboring pine woods. At 2 P.M. our artillery and riflemen opened fire, the latter from the slopes of the hills. This continued for a couple of hours with but little effect, except that an English general was severely wounded. The following day Lord Wellington asked for a stretcher, from which we concluded that the wounded man had either died or was so ill that he could not be taken to Coimbra in any other way.

Before daybreak on the 27th the French army was in motion, and, advancing rapidly under cover of a dense fog, they broke our line near Santo Antonio do Cantaro; but, another regiment coming to our assistance, the gap

lost so much blood that they trembled with cold. The English made a large fire and laid them round it. I hurried away from the place, not being able to bear the sight of so much misery.

On the summit I found the surgeons busy with our wounded, who, though numerous, were not in so bad a state as the Frenchmen. I went further on, hoping to see something of the fight; but in this I was disappointed, as the enemy's bullets swept the top of the ridge and obliged the regiments not actually engaged to keep on the opposite slope.

On my return to the convent a soldier took me to see a French general named Simon, who had been made prisoner, and had three bullet wounds in his face. 1 His secretary, who was

1 "At the battle of Bussaco, when Massena made the blunder of delivering a front attack on Lord

Wellington's army, posted on a height very difficult of access, poor General Simon, wishing to

with him, had escaped unhurt. Lord | started for some place beyond Agueda, Wellington gave orders that they where his militia were encamped. should be treated with the greatest consideration, and an English officer gave up his room to them. Next morning, when their baggage was sent for, Massena delivered it at once, and the general's wife took advantage of this opportunity to join him.

The Rifles suffered greatly, as they were not relieved, and had to sustain the enemy's fire the whole day, throughout which they showed great bravery. One of their captains told me that if they had three such days not a man would escape. Though no great number were killed the wounded were very numerous, and at night eighty carts were loaded with those who, after having their wounds dressed, had been brought into the convent yard. We gave them wine and whatever else they asked for. One thing surprised us immensely, and this was that although many were dying and others were in great danger, yet none asked to be confessed, nor did they speak of Jesus, as is so natural and right for an afflicted Christian to do.

Beresford, whose headquarters were at Santa Eufemia, slept at night in our library, and the general, who had been taken prisoner, was sent to Coimbra with his wife and secretary. The artillery fire was continued on our side, but the enemy scarcely replied, and there was little bloodshed. Colonel Trant came to confer with Lord Wellington, and it was rumored that he was to take back reinforcements; but this did not prove true, and in the evening he wipe out his fault and recover the time which he had lost to his promotion, dashed forward bravely at the head of his brigade, cleared all the obstacles, climbed the rocks under a hail of bullets, broke

the English line, and was the first to enter the enemy's entrenchments. There, however, a shot fired point blank smashed his jaw, just at the moment when the English second line repulsed our

troops, who were hurled back into the valley with considerable loss. The unfortunate general was found lying in the redoubt among the dead and dying, with scarcely a human feature left. Wel

lington treated him with much kindness, and, as soon as he was fit to be moved, sent him as a prisoner of war to England. Later on he was allowed

to return to France, but his horrible wound did not permit him to serve again." (Memoirs of the Baron de Marbot, 1892.)

Towards 11 P.M. the French retired very quietly in the direction of Mortagua, then turned towards Boialro and struck the Oporto road at a point not guarded by our troops. An English officer commanding an outpost noticed the movement, though only by chance, as the night was very dark. On receiving his report, the general instantly got up, and at midnight set out with the whole army for Coimbra. He sent us notice that we should leave at once, and this advice was followed by all except Friars Ignacio, Antonio, and myself. It was very dark, and raining hard, so we put off starting until the morning.

I arose very early to see what the troops were doing, and met several regiments retiring in great haste. When all had passed, we went to look at the French camp; but only some cavalry pickets, scattered at intervals along the road, were to be seen, and these gradually retired, until the last had disappeared. A squadron of English cavalry had remained to watch their movements, and the commander now despatched a small force along the Mortagua road for the same purpose. Shortly after passing Moura this party came upon seventy wounded Frenchmen, who had been abandoned by their comrades, and felt such pity for them that they mounted them on their horses and brought them back to the chapel of All Souls, which lies just outside our wall. This pious work occupied them the whole day.

The English set fire to an immense quantity of powder, and the explosion caused great damage to our property; it knocked down a wall immediately in front, uprooted trees, and broke a large window in the church.

The vedettes retired early next morning, after charging us to give water to the Frenchmen who were in the chapel, to avoid the peasants who did nothing but rob and murder, and to bring in more wounded who were still lying in the wood.

I started at once to see about these latter, and at my request two Portu

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