In both dramas the object is the same; to awaken doubts in the spectators' minds as to the ultimate success of the plotters and to awaken an interest in the means whereby the conspirators succeed in overcoming Caesar's suspicion. The difference in content in the parallels seems due to the fact that while Pescetti follows Appian, Shakespeare follows Plutarch. THE CHARACTER OF CAESAR Of all Shakespeare's portraits, there are few which have so puzzled his critics as that of Julius Caesar. Their ingenuity has been taxed to the utmost to account for a characterization so at variance with historical fact, and many have been the theories advanced in explanation. It is not my purpose to detail this controversy. The facts are commonplaces of Shakespearian study. Neither is it necessary to set forth all the many and various tributes wherein Shakespeare, in his other works, and in "Julius Caesar" itself, gives ample evidence of his appreciation of Caesar's true greatness. What I do purpose to show is the marked similarity between the conception of Caesar's character in Shakespeare and that found in Pescetti. It must be understood that I employ the term characterization as applied to Pescetti's dramatis personae for lack of a better term. In his type of the drama very little of the characterization is brought out by the clash of conflict, although, as I have before pointed out, there are passages in "Cesare" in which this is to some extent true. We gain our conception of character more through a recital of the characteristics or traits of his persons, rather than through a revelation in action. To Shakespeare, therefore, "Cesare" would not have appealed as a drama; but as a history or a recital of the feelings animating various persons during certain situations, it had its attractions. I purpose to show in just what manner Shakespeare in his delineation of Caesar may have availed himself of the material provided by this long forgotten work. It has been claimed, and in my opinion, erroneously, that Shakespeare's peculiar characterization of his titular hero was due to his lack of classical knowledge. Surely such a charge can not hold against the Veronese rhetorician, whose livelihood depended on his classical training, and who did not hesitate to dispute with Tasso. Yet his characterization brings into relief many of those features which have in Shakespeare's portrait so aroused the surprise and chagrin of critics. Professor Harry Morgan Ayres* traces these peculiarities in Shakespeare's delineation of his titular character to the influence of a Renaissance idea of Caesar which had its ultimate source in the Hercules Oetoeus of Seneca, found its way into the Renaissance drama through Muretus, and had become traditional in Shakespeare's time. No claim is advanced of any direct relation of "Julius Caesar" to preceding versions, but the similarity in certain particulars existing between the various characterizations of Caesar is emphasized. That Grévin's portrait should be markedly similar to that of Muretus is but natural in view of the former's open plagiarism. Pescetti also owes much to the noted humanist. The latter made Caesar a grandiloquent braggart. Pescetti, following his example, makes Caesar's boastfulness a prominent trait of his character. Yet neither Muretus nor Grévin emphasizes Caesar's vacillation, nor this indecision, which, seemingly through the Italian's drama, found its way later into Shakespeare's portrait. While it is quite possible that the traditional conception of Caesar supposedly prevalent in Shakespeare's time influenced his peculiar delination of the Dictator, there is apparently no good reason for excluding the possibility that the dramatist's notion of his titular hero's traditional character was confirmed by an examination of Pescetti's work, if indeed he did not derive from the latter all the hints supposedly due to the tradition fixed by Muretus. Like Shakespeare, Pescetti is not lacking in appreciation of Caesar's greatness; of his courage, patriotism, magnanimity. Thus Cassius says to Brutus, "Tu sai, ch'egli è feroce, e ne' perigli * In the monograph to which reference has already been made. † Page 24. See later chapter on Brutus. In his dedication, the highest compliment he can pay to Alfonso d'Este is to number the mighty Julius among his ancestors. In the prologue his approaching death troubles the gods, and Jove promises for him immortality among the celestials as the only fitting reward for his merit, while ruin and destruction await his assassins. In the play the First Messenger refers to him as "huom divino."* The Chorus sings his praises: "Così dunque Quei, che pur dianzi un folgor fu di guerra, Un' Achille, un Alcide di possanza, Un' Ulisse di senno, e d'accortezza, Un Ciro, un Alessandro d'ardimento, Estinto giace miserabilmente.”—P. 127. Criticism cannot be too guarded in considering as evidence of personal bias the words of an author's character, but cumulative evidence is certainly not without its influence. The chorus later in the play refers to Caesar again, and as "Del più saggio, e più forte Huom ch'arme unqua vestisse."*-P. 131. The Chorus of Soldiers towards the close of the play sings his praise. Decimus Brutus, trying to persuade Caesar, runs the whole gamut of the latter's deeds. Nor does Pescetti, any more than Shakespeare, begrudge him credit for his courtesy and magnanimity. Regarding this trait, Professor MacCallum calls particular attention to the passage in "Julius Caesar" wherein Artemidorus urges the consideration of his petition: Art.-Hail, Caesar! read this schedule. At your best leisure, this his humble suit. * Compare Antony's outburst: Thou art the ruins of the noblest man That ever lived in the tide of times. J. C. III., 1, 257–58. Art.-O Caesar, read mine first; for mine's a suit That touches Caesar nearer: read it, great Caesar. Caes.-What touches us ourself shall be last served.-III., 1, 3-8. This is nowhere suggested in Plutarch. It is, indeed, quite easy to regard this magnanimous action as the caprice of a man so intoxicated by success that he has lost all sense of social perspective; a real Colossus, for whom the ordinary motives of men seem too insignificant for his semi-divine being. Pescetti's Caesar leaves no room for the exercise of surmise. In the scene between Lenate and the Dictator, Caesar is courteous and magnanimous beyond criticism. Lenate felicitates Caesar, who replies: "E tè, Lenate, a pien contento renda. Servir? in c'hà dell' opra sua bisogno?-P. 106. Lenate praises Caesar's courtesy, and Caesar tells him to name his suit, for he will deny him nothing. Lenate begs a military appointment for Quinto Fulvio. Caesar says: "A lor di soddisfarti io ti prometto, Ch'à somma grazia, e a singular favore E se, qual tu me lo dipingi, fia, Come fia veramente, che Lenate Sò, che non mente, i premi all' opre uguali Quel, chè stat' è con gli altri." At the conclusion of this scene he remarks, "Huom, che d'umanità si spogli, indegno Stim' io del nome d'huomo, e fu più degno Nelle selve, negli antri, e nelle grotte, Che formar nelle terre umani accenti."-Ces., pp. 106-110. This, while rather declamatory, rings true. |