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May 4. Further petitions were presented respecting the dangerous state of London Bridge.

Sir Curtis hoped the bridge was not in the state represented, but promised to consult the London magistracy on the subject.

Mr. T. Wilson presented a petition from the parties concerned in the woollen trade of the City of London, for the repeal of the duty of 6d. per lb. on foreign wool. The Hon. Member and Mr. A. Baring dwelt at some length on the injuries which had arisen from this tax.

A petition was presented from the City of London for enlarging the powers of the New Post Office Act.

Mr. Serjeant Onslow, Mr. Calvert, and Mr. R. Gordon, opposed it. Already 268,000/. had been expended before a brick was laid. The petition was referred to a Committee.

Dr. Phillimore obtained leave to bring ia a Bill to amend the Marriage Act.

Mr. Hume addressed the House at some length on the affairs of Gibraltar, and he concluded with moving for several papers.

Mr. Vansittart consented to the production of some of them, but opposed the motion for the others. He did not think that Mr. Hume pursued a candid course in the charges which he had brought forward.

May 5.

Mr. Brougham addressed the House at great length on the subjects of the droits of Admiralty, the 44 per cent. duties, &c. He contended, that down to the year 1799, the King of England could hold no property apart from that of the Crown, and that whatever he possessed previous to bis accession merged in his public capaeity. It had been held by the greatest statesmen and lawyers of former times, that this restriction conduced to the digmity of the Crown, and the security of the liberties of the people. But in 1799 an Act was passed, by which his late Majesty and his successors might purchase lands and chattels, which he might sell again at a profit, give away in rewards to favorites, or bestow in such a way as, pro tanto, setting the votes of Parliament at defiance, might defeat the whole system and policy of the Constitution; nay, he might even hold copyhold lands, and thus become a tenant of his own subjects. It was not for those who had been a party to this degrading innovation to talk of the honour and dignity of the Crown, and refuse to go into any enquiry as to the Admiralty Droits, &c. at the commencement of a new reign, as incompatable with the veneration which the Nation owed to its

rightful Sovereign. He then shewed that the Droits of Admiralty were vested in the Crown for public purposes, towards which the Crown now contributed nothing, though the Droits amounted, during the last reign, to 13,700,000. He would divest the Crown of this source of emolument, and make it a compensation on fair and equitable principles. The present Civit List system was so complicated, that none but a person, deeply versed in the minu tie of finance, could tell what was the real income of the Crown. The ark itself did not contain a greater variety of beings than were jumbled into the same accounts with the King of England. In the Report of 1815, they would find the vicar of the Tower set down for Il. 13s.; the vicar of St. Botolph, 17. 15s.; the churchwardens of St. John the Baptist, 11. 18 There were masters of hawks and fieldsports, keepers of lions, the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and the Exchequer watchman, all united in goodly fellowship. Was it derogatory to his Majesty to take him out of this sort of com pany, and to give him for his own use, liberally and cheerfully, whatever sum might be deemed necessary to support his state and dignity. After going into some detail as to the new arrangements which he thought practicable on this subject, he adverted to the 4 per cent. duties, and the resources from Gibraltar and Scotland. To what purposes were these emoluments applied? They were bestowed on pensions for good services, bad services, or no services at all. Whenever a Minister doubted whether he could obtain the sanction of Parliament in rewarding a protege, then he secured a pension out of some of those funds. The sum of 50,000. had, out of the Droits of Admiralty, been paid to Sir H. Popham, to compensate him for his supposed loss in a smuggling transaction, whilst Mr. Charnock, who had advanced him the means of engaging it, lost every shilling of his property. These droits formed a temptation to Ministers to commence hostilities before issuing a declaration of war, thus subjecting us to the reproach of foreign nations. On those funds ought to be written in indelible characters (he feared it was already written, in characters of blood on the pages of our history) — "These funds are the purchase-money of the honour, the good faith, the pure and unsullied good name of England." (Hear.) On this head he instanced the design upon the Smyrna fleet in the time of Charles II. and the capture of the Spanish frigates in 1804, by which 2,200,000l. were acquired by attacking men ignorant. of any other ground of attack than that they had dollars on board. As to the 44

per

1820.] Proceedings in the present Session of Parliament.

per cent, duties granted by the legislature of Barbadoes for the repairs of forts, the building of a sessions-house and prison, and for other public purposes, in the year 1663, he could not trace when this fund came into the sole possession of the Crown; but, in the reign of Queen Anne, on a complaint from Barbadoes and the Lee. ward Islands, the House of Commons addressed her Majesty on the subject, and she agreed to give it up for the purposes to which it had been originally applied. It was somewhat curious that, after Queen Anne's acknowledgment that it was not her's, that it belonged to the colonies, and that Parliament had the controul of it, it should neither go to the use of the colonies, nor fall under the inspection of Parliament, but make a dead stop, and become the absolute property of the Crown. So it was, but the cause and history of the fact were buried in obscurity: all that was known was, that it was the fund for obscure pensioners of all descriptions. He concluded with moving, "That it is expedient that the House do take into its consideration the Droits of Admiralty, the 44 per cent. duties, and other funds not usually deemed within the coutroul of Parliament, in order to make such provision respecting the same as shall be consistent with the dignity of the Crown, with the interests of the people, and with the maintenance of the Constitution."

Mr. Canning opposed the motion. There was no disposition on the part of his Majesty's Ministers to accept the boon which had been offered as an inducement to sell the Royal prerogatives. The Crown asked nothing beyond an arrangement already in existence, and no new burden was contemplated, and surely Parliament would not say, "You are too well satisfied, and it is our duty to see whether we cannot Jake something from you as a punishment for being so easily contented." Though the 4 per cent. duties were given for the consideration of repairs, &c. yet the origin of the fund was the giving of some quit rents and the settling of a disputed title. It was true that it had not formed part of the Civil List since the time of Queen Anne, but the power of granting pensions on it was co-existent with its origin. The observation as to the obscurity of pensioners, might be answered by saying, that among them were, the illust:ious William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, and Edmund Burke. But to prevent any abuse from concealment, his colleagues and himself would consent that the amount of the fund, and its application, should be laid annually before Parliament, as a mat

453

ter of course, and without any previous motion. As to the Droits of Admiralty, after deducting what had been paid to captors, and for law expences, there remained to be accounted a sum of little more than 4,000,000. Out of that sum 2,600,000. had been contributed for the public service; and two several sums. had been given, one in aid of the Civil List, the other of the 4 per cent. fund; the first of these contributions was, 1,300,000.; the second 40,000.; there. remained, therefore, about 300,000l. to be accounted for. This sum had been paid partly in donations to different branches of the Royal Family, and partly in entertainments to foreign sovereigns. The expenditure, however, of the whole had been communicated to Parliament, and Ministers had no objection that, in future, every grant out of this fund should, as a matter of course, be so communicated; but they were not prepared to propose that a long, and almost immemorial usage should be abolished, without the most striking proof that such usage, though co-existent with the practice, was incompatible with the spirit of the Constitution. He thought it better that the patronage of the Crown should reward public political services by property under its peculiar protection, than that a democratic assembly should dole out largesses and favours according to the impulse and force of passion, party, or canvass. So far as the droits supplied any motive for going to war, he could not conceive it possible that the vilest mind that ever meddled with public affairs, would plunge the country into hostilities for so paltry a consideration. There were claims connected with these Droits, the adjustment of which, if they were taken from under the controul of the Crown, would be attended with many difficulties. With regard to the system of the Civil List, he advanced various arguments, to shew that it was more adapted to a monarchical constitution, than that of the American government could be; and he would not be induced by any pecuniary temptation to the Sovereign, to strip off trappings which were neither costly to the people, nor dangerous to the constitution.

In the sequel of the discussion, the motion was supported by Sir J. Mackintosh, Mr. Marryatt, Sir J. Newport, Mr. J. Macdonald, Sir R. Wilson, Mr. Tierney, Sir J. Yorke, and Mr. W. Smith; and opposed by Mr. Wynn, Mr. Vansittart, and Mr. B. Bathurst. On a division, it was negatived by 273 to 155.

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TRIALS OF THE CATO STREET CONSPIRATORS
FOR HIGH TREASON.

In our last Number, p. 367, we briefly, noticed the trial and conviction of Thistle wood, Ings, Brunt, Tidd, and Davidson., The circumstances relative to this horrible Conspiracy were also fully detailed in page 165.

The counts of the Indictments were four: :---- The first and second counts were under the statute of Edward III. and charge the prisoners, first with compassing, imagining, and intending to depose the King; and secondly, with compassing, imagining, and intending to excite rebellion and war against the King, and put him to death.

The third count was on the statute of George III. and charged the prisoners with compassing, imagining, and intending to levy war, in order to compel the King to change his measures and counsels. The overt acts charged were: - - First, "Meeting, conspiring, and consulting, to devise, arrange, and mature plans and means to subvert and destroy the Constitution and Government of this realm, as by law established."

Second:-"Conspiring, &c. to stir up, raise, make and levy insurrection, rebellion, and war against our Lord the King; and to subvert and destroy the Constitution and Government of this realm, as by law established."

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Third: "Conspiring, &c. to assassinate, kill, and murder, divers of the Privy Council of our Lord the King." Fourth: "Procuring, providing, and having large quantities of arms, with intent thereby to arm themselves and other Traitors, in order to assassinate, kill, and murder divers of the Privy Council."

Arthur Thistlewood having been placed at the Bar, the Attorney General opened the case for the Crown, and detailed to the Jury the plans and proceedings of the conspirators, as developed in the following evidence; from the whole of which he drew the conclusion that the prisoner at the bar was guilty of the treason laid to his charge. The Learned Gentleman's speech occupied the attention of the Jury for nearly two hours.

Before the first witness for the prosecution was put into the box, all the prisoners named in the indictment were brought up, with the view, we suppose, of having an opportunity of hearing the evidence, it being principally the same which was to be adduced against most of them. They entered the Court with much apparent indifference.

The first witness called was Robert Adams, examined by the Solicitor-General.

-I live at No. 4, Hole-in-the-wall

passage, Brooke's-market, I am a shoe-
maker. I was in the Royal Regiment of
Horse Guards. It is 18 years last Christ-
mas since I left them, I knew Brunt at
Cambray, in France, he went then by the
name of Thomas Morton, it is 18 years
ago since I first knew him. I know This-
tlewood. I knew him first on the 16th of
January last. He then lived in Stanhope-
street, Clare-market. I was introduced
to him by Brunt and Ings. I saw him at
his own place. We had some conversa-
tion together. When I went in, Brunt
said to Thistlewood, this is the man I was
speaking to you about. Thistlewood said,
"You were once in the Life Guards ?"
I said, "No, I was not, I originally be-
longed to the Blues." Thistlewood said,
"You are a good swordsman?" I said,
"I could use a sword to defend myself,,
but I could not use it very expert, as I
had not used any arms for a long time."
Thistlewood said, there was no one who
was worth 10%. who was worth any thing.
for the good of his country. As to the
shopkeepers of London, they were all a
set of aristocrats together, and were all
working under the same system of govern
ment. He should glory to see the day,
that all the shops were shut up and well
plundered. He then alluded to Mr. Hunt,
and said he was a d-d coward, and were
he (Thistlewood) to go to Whitehall, he
was sure he would find his (Hunt's) name
there, as a spy to Government. He then
turned the conversation to Cobbett, and
said, he was equally the same as Hunt,
and for all his writings, he had no doubt
he was also a spy. This ended the con-
versation then. I was afterwards confined
for debt in Whitecross-street prison. The
next interview I had with Thistlewood was.
on the 16th, at the White Hart public-,
house. It was in a room in the back yard.
Thistlewood was present, and Ings, Brunt,
and Hall; and before they broke up,
Tidd. On the 17th I went to prison, re-
mained 14 days there. I came out on
Sunday, the day after the death of the
King. I saw Thistlewood on the Monday.
evening following. I saw him in the same
floor in the house where Brunt lived, in a
back room. This was in Fox-court, Gray's
Inn-lane. There were Brunt, Ings, Hall,
and Davidson, present. There was ano-
ther particular took place that night. To,
the best of my recollection, I met them
next on the Wednesday; (by them he
meant Thistlewood, Brunt, Davidson, Har-
rison, and Ings.) I went into the room
and saw a number of pike-staves, and
Thistlewood wanted to have them ferruled.
Thistlewood then asked why Bradburn (the

prisoner)

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1820.]

Trials for High Treason.

prisoner) was not present, and he added,
that Bradburn was entrusted with money
to purchase ferrules, and was not satisfied
lest he should not buy them. The staves
were green, and seemed as if they had
just come from the country. Thistlewood
said he would not give a damn for a man
who would spend the money in such a
way. I do not recollect any thing fur-
ther then. The meetings were held twice
a day from thence to the 23d of February.
The room was hired by Brunt for Ings;
Brunt said so. I remember one circum-
stance that occurred; one evening, about
ten days before the Cato-street business,
I went in and saw Harrison, Thistlewood,
and Brunt. Harrison said, he had been
speaking to one of the horse guards, and he
had told him that the whole of them would
be down at Windsor at the King's funeral;
and Harrison said, this would be a good
opportunity to do something that night
(the night of the funeral.) Thistlewood
said, it was a good place, and added, that
if they could get the two pieces of cannon
in Gray's-inn-lane, and the six pieces in
the Artillery-ground, they could so help
themselves as to have possession of Lon-
don before morning; and he said, that
when the news should reach Windsor, the
soldiers would be so tired as not to be
able, when they came back to London,
to do any thing; but that by activity,
some might go to Hyde-park, and pre-
vent any person or messenger from going
to Windsor. He also said that they should
go over the water and take the Telegraph,
to prevent any communication with Wool-
wich. He then said that they should form
a Provisional Government, and send to the
sea ports to prevent any gentleman from
leaving England without passports. He
particularly mentioned to send to Dover,
Brighton, Margate, and Ramsgate. He
said the present family had inherited the
throne long enough, and it was no use for
the present King to think of being crown-
ed. Brunt and Ings came in after this,
and Thistlewood mentioned to them what
had passed; but they said that nothing
would satisfy them but their plan of as-
sassination. They had talked at a former
meeting of this plan of assassination. Two
or three of them had drawn out a plan of
assassinating his Majesty's Ministers at
the first public dinner they had: They
talked of assassination at every one of
their meetings. I could not say there
were pikes in the room before this. I met
them on Saturday, the 19th of February,
at eleven or twelve in the forenoon. I
saw Thistlewood, Davidson, Brunt, Har-
rison, Ings, and Hall. They were all set
round the fire, and seemed in a conversa-
tion betwixt themselves. They all got up
and turned round, and said, "It is agreed,
if nothing turns out before next Wednes.

455

day night, next Wednesday we will go to
work." It was said they were all sworn
that they would not wait any longer.
Thistlewood proposed they should meet
the following morning at nine, to draw
out a plan to go by. Thistlewood said to
Brunt, "You had better go round this
afternoon and mention it, in order to have
the committee to-morrow."-Brunt said,
he did not think he should be able to go,
as he had some work to do, but he would
go on the next morning, and perhaps he
might see some of them; it was not ne-
cessary to bring a great many. Brunt
appeared to be leaving the room then,
and Thistlewood called to him, and said,
"O Brunt, it will be highly necessary
for those that come to-morrow morning to
bring arms with them, in case any officers
should come up." On which Brunt said,
"D-n my eyes, if any officer should
come in here, the time is now so near, I
would run him through the body. I would
murder him here, sooner than we should
be discovered." On the next morning I
went there about 11 o'clock. It was a
little dark in my eyes when I went in
after the snow. There were Thistlewood,
Brunt, Harrison, Cooke, Bradburn, Tidd,
Edwards, Wilson, myself, and another.
W. Cooke, on looking round the room,
said, "There are twelve in the room, and
I think it enough. to form a committee."
Thistlewood proposed that Tidd should
take the chair. Tidd took, the chair, and
sat with a pike in his hand. Thistlewood
was on his right, and Brunt on his left.
Thistlewood said, .6
Gentlemen, you all
know what we are met for ;" and then he
turned to the door, as if unwilling to men-
tion it, and said, "the West end job."
Brunt said, "D-n my eyes, name it."
On which Thistlewood again said, “Gen-
tlemen, we are come to the determination
to do this job, that we are talking about
so long, and as we find there is no proba-
bility of meeting them (Ministers) alto-
gether, we shall, if no opportunity occurs
of doing them together, take them sepa-
rately, at their own houses, and do as
many as we can. If we only get 3 or 4
at a time we must do them." He also
said, "I suppose it will take 15 men to
do this West end job; and I propose to
take the two pieces of cannon in Gray's-
inn-lane, and the six pieces in the Artil-
lery-ground." He proposed Cooke to
lead this party, and he himself would
command. He said they should take the
Mansion House as the seat of the Pro-
visional Government. They were next to
take the Bank of England; and Palin
should be the man who should set fire to
the barracks and several parts of London.
This was the principal part of the plan,
but if any thing else occurred before
Wednesday, they would think of it. Brunt

was

.

was then going to put a proposition which he had for assassinating Ministers, but Thistlewood said, his plan should be first put from the chair, as they were nearly all agreed on it. He desired the chairman to ask if any of them had any thing to say, and that they should say it; but none of them saying any thing, the plan was carried unanimously. Brunt then came forward with his plan, which was, that they should assassinate as many of his Majesty's Ministers as possible; that they should draw lots to assassinate some of the Ministers; and whoever the fellow was on whom the lot fell be should murder the Minister, or be murdered himself; and that if any man failed in the attempt, he (Brunt) swore by all that was good he should be run through the body. On which I got up, and said, "Mr. Brunt, do you think it possible for a man to attempt such a thing and not succeed in it; and do you mean to say he should be run through the body for not doing it?" To which he said, "I do not; if a man should attempt it and not succeed, he is a good man; but if he shows any cowardice, he deserves to be run through the body." This proposition of Brunt's was then put to the meeting. Soon after this, Palin, Potter, and Strange came in. They were welcomed, and were desired to sit near the fire, as they were wet. Palin said, "There is one thing want to know; if it can be done, it will be a great assistance to our plan: I want to know what men are to perform each part of the plan, and who are to take the cannon. I want to know, in calling upon the men, whether I can tell them in part or whole what is to be "done." The chairman said, "I don't see where the harm is of telling what is to be done." Palin, seeing he had that liberty, sat down quite satisfied. Nothing regular was transacted in the chair after that. Thistlewood said, "O Brunt, that is well thought of, as Palin is here: you and Palin go and see if the house near Furnival's Inn, is fit for setting fire to." They went (Palin and Brunt), and reported it would make a d-d good fire. Thistlewood talked of getting means for a treat on Tuesday and Wednesday. Brunt said, he would be dd but he would contribute the only 17. note he had earned for a long time. They proposed the White Hart for the house. Thistlewood proposed his own room, but afterwards thought it would not do, as it might lead to suspicion. This was all on the Sunday morning. On Monday morning they met again. Witness then told them what Hobbes told him on Sunday night, of inquiries made respecting radical meetings at his house, and that information was given at Bowstreet office, and at Lord Sidmouth's office. Harrison turned round on witness

Jike a lion, and said, "Adams, you have acted dd wrong." Brunt said so too, and added, "whatever you have to communicate you have no business to communicate but to me and to Thistlewood.” Witness said, it concerned all, and be should tell all of it. They repeated the same observations. They talked of calling a meeting of the Mary-le-bone union, as they wanted some money; and Brunt said, it would be of no use for that purpose. Witness and Potter went in the evening to the White Hart. Palin and Bradburn joined them. Next morning they were there too, and with them Thistlewood, Tidd, Ings, Harrison, and Brunt. Edwards came and told them there was to be a cabinet dinner next night. Thistlewood said he did not think it was true. A newspaper was sent for, and read by Thistlewood. He then read that they were to dine at Lord Harrowby's, Grosvenorsquare. Brunt then said, "I'll be d-d if I don't believe there is a God. I have often prayed that he would bring all these thieves together, in order to destroy them. He has answered my prayer." Thistlewood proposed that they should form a committee and sit immediately. Wit ness took the chair. Thistlewood proposed immediately a fresh plan to be formed respecting the assassination. Witness expressed a hope that they had paid due consideration to what he said yesterday. All got into confusion. Harrison said, "D- -n that man who attempted to throw cold water on the plan, but he would run him through with the sword." Witness left the chair and Tidd took it. Brunt moved that a watch should be set on the Earl of Harrowby's house that night. The object was to see if any men or soldiers went into Earl Harrowby's. Two were to go at six, to be relieved at nine, and they were to continue till twelve. The watch was to be resumed at four next morning. Thistlewood said, he hoped they would be satisfied that no officers or-soldiers went in. They would do what they had determined to-morrow evening: and added, that it would answer their purpose much better than to attack their houses separately, when only two or three could be got together. Here they would have 14 or 16; a rare haul to murder them all. "I propose," continued he, “when the door is opened, to rush in, seize the servants, present pistols, and threaten to kill them if they make any noise; two to take the entrance to the stairs upwards, and two others to the stairs at the lower part of the house, armed with blunderbusses and hand grenades: and if any attempt to pass, to throw hand grenades and destroy them all. Others are to go where the Ministers are, to murder them all. If there shall be any good men, kill

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