partial and tyrannical system which has so long prevailed in this island, the men to whom I allude, with some rare exceptions, are absolutely incapable of looking beyond the present, or taking such an extended and general view of the subjects brought under their consideration, as the welfare and happiness of the people demand. For an example, I need go no further than the apprenticeship plan, the now fruitful source of all the differences which exist in the island, and the cause of the rupture between the Executive and the House of Assembly. Let the impartial observer of the act of that late body say, whether previous to, or since the abolition of slavery, they have regarded the subject of emancipation in the light they ought to have done, or have legislated on any one occasion in the manner, or with those views, which ought to have dictated to them the proper mode of procedure. Previous to the passing of the abolition act, their only object seems to have been, their every energy directed towards, the securing to themselves absolute power. It was in vain that a gentleman now absent from the island (and whose principles I admit are in many respects opposed to mine, but who in that respect took the most correct and enlightened view of the subject) pressed them to adopt certain measures of rather a liberal and humane kind. The determination was, to hold on the foundering bark until she was engulfed in the vortex of the apprenticeship. And what has been the blind and foolish policy adopted since the decree against slavery has gone forth? It has been to regain as much as possible the absolute power which that measure annihilated. To this end every effort has been directed, and it would be astonishing indeed, if, entertaining such dissimilar views, the Government at home and the Legislature here could agree as to the enactments deemed by the latter necessary for the preservation of good order in the colony.

Having paid so costly a price as twenty millions of pounds sterling for the emancipation of the negroes in the colonies, the British people naturally expect that they will be considered and treated as freemen, yielding unrequited labour to their late master for a term of years. The Colonial Legislature unfortunately views the negro through a different medium. Its members, themselves apprentice-masters, cannot bring their minds to regard them as free men; and hence the struggles to re-invest themselves with the unlimited and arbitrary authority which they, previous to the 1st of August, 1834, possessed, and the dissensions and rupture consequent upon such endeavours. And this must continue to be the case so long as the apprenticeship lasts, and such men constitute the Legislature.

To expect that the British Government and people will yield to the clamorous and unreasonable demands of the Jamaica Legislature, is absurd; and hence it is evident, the former will be driven either to do away with the remainder of the apprenticeship, and declare the negroes absolutely free, or deprive the island of its legislative right-a right which has been most grossly abused and applied to the worst of purposes.'

One of the points upon which the Marquis of Sligo has given offence to Mr. Barrett and his clique, is, his discountenancing

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the immigration, or what has been justly termed the white slavery' scheme, and his having spoken of the mortality among the poor German emigrants as frightful.' Mr. Innes admits that, as emigration has hitherto been conducted, much mis'chief and little good have resulted from it.' For mere labourers, he says, 'I have heard of none equal to the Africans who have 'been released under the mixed commission, and sent to Tri'nidad'; and he follows this remarkable admission with the following suggestion.

it

It may be deserving of the consideration of Government, how far may be made compatible with views of philanthropy, to encourage arrangements for importing negroes from Africa, under similar indentures to those entered into by persons from Madeira and else

where.'

But

This would come to nothing short of re-establishing a mantrade, under not quite so specious a pretext as led to the original importation of Africans into the Spanish colonies. it appears that British capital is still largely employed in the slave-trade itself; a startling and horrible fact, which makes the above suggestion the more strongly to be deprecated. Mr. Innes says:

In the course of my tour through the colonies, I have had frequent conversations with naval men on the open, daring, and successful continuance of the slave-trade; and they one and all expressed surprise that the British Government should afford facilities to it by making the island of St. Thomas our packet-station. They say, St. Thomas's is principally supported by the profits of the slave trade, and that the inhabitants avail themselves most liberally of the means our packets afford of procuring information of the stations of our men-of-war, which information is speedily conveyed to the slavers. I am not qualified to offer an opinion, but naval men assure me, that the packet-station might be removed to the British island of Tortola, without the slightest inconvenience to the service, whilst the removal, and the making that island a free port, would benefit Tortola and the neighbouring British islands, which are greatly in want of all the aid the British Government can give them. It is notorious in Jamaica, that British capital is largely employed indirectly in the slave-trade. Large and numerous shipments of goods from Liverpool, &c., arrive here merely for trans-shipment to ports from which the trade is carried on direct; from these ports the goods are sent to Africa in exchange for slaves. The officers of his Majesty's Customs here may be able to furnish valuable information on this head, should Government desire to investigate the subject. Some of the finest fast-sailing schooners that belong to this island, have been sold for the slave-trade, and are actively employed in it: indeed, I am informed that some government schooners, distinguished for fast sailing, sold since the war, are now in the same service.' pp. 105, 106.

Mr. Innes thinks, that it ought to be the primary object with the planters, to advance the present negro population in civilization as fast as possible', in order to make them willing to 'work, to procure and retain its advantages': and yet, almost in the same breath, he recommends the importation of untaught, uncivilized Africans! How are we to reconcile these contradictory recommendations? True it is, that the present negro population is already too far advanced in civilization to suit the views of the obstinate adherents to the old system. They would prefer wild Africans.

But nothing short of a total change of system can, it is evident, save the people of this country from being duped, the compensation money from being thrown away, and the proprietors themselves from being ruined. Sugar-growing had ceased to be profitable by slave labour: it is not likely to pay much better under the apprenticeship system, which provides a redundant supply of labour, without giving a command over it, such as can be exerted only by means of wages or the whip. But, so long as the base and dishonest hope is cherished, of re-establishing the coercive system, there is little chance that those vigorous reforms of a vicious agricultural economy will be generally adopted, which are essential to the success of the magnificent experi

ment.

Mr. Innes's pamphlet fully bears out the correctness of the anticipations expressed by ourselves, in common with the most intelligent friends to Emancipation, as to the inefficiency of Lord Stanley's transition scheme. The negroes are quite as well fitted for freedom as they will be in the year 1840; and no greater inconvenience would have resulted from their immediate liberation, as in Antigua, than is likely to ensue from the termination of the apprenticeship in those very colonies where they are supposed to be the least prepared for the change. A withdrawment of a portion of labour was reasonably to be expected; and to meet this, a determined effort to economize labour by means of the plough and machinery, and to stimulate labour by task-work and other inducements, would have been, as we believe, in almost every instance adequate. But the whole crew of slave-drivers, the brutal villains who have grown hardened in profligacy under the cartwhip regime, must be got rid of. It would be good economy to pension them off; or let them go seek employment in Louisiana and Mississippi. Not only so; the entire apparatus of agency must be changed, and a wholesome system of tenancy be substituted for that of middle men, with their train of overseers, managers, storekeepers, &c., whose salaries, together with the waste attaching to every part of the economy, have hitherto swallowed up the profits of the proprietor.

Art. IV. Hora Hebraica; an Attempt to discover how the Argument of the Epistle to the Hebrews must have been understood by those therein addressed. With Appendices on Messiah's Kingdom, &c., &c. By George, Viscount Mandeville.

Royal 8vo. pp. 568.

London.

THIS is the age of patrician authorship. How many noble names are enrolled among the contributors to our literature, either as original writers or as translators! This we may in a great measure ascribe to the enlightened spirit of the times, which, commencing with the middle classes of society, is working its way, like leaven, to the opposite extremes. The greatest impediments it has hitherto had to encounter, have been in its progress upwards. Luxury, indolence, and dissipation have been far more impervious to its influence, than ignorance, recklessness, and poverty. Yet, even these it has partially conquered. Men who could boast no hereditary distinctions, but who held the letters patent of their nobility immediately from Almighty God, have, by their surpassing talents and acquirements, forced themselves within the privileged circle, and imparted weight and worth to an order whose intellect and virtue were sinking far below the average value of the same qualities among their inferiors in rank and station. In science, in classical learning, in the fine arts, especially in poetry, several of our nobility have at least aimed to distinguish themselves. The last few months have exhibited two productions from patrician pens, that cannot in strictness be classed under either of these heads, and which, though exceedingly different in their nature and execution, treat on subjects that do not often occupy the studies of any but professional divines and theologians. Lord Brougham's Natural Theology, and Viscount Mandeville's Horæ Hebraicæ, are, as respects their authors, very extraordinary performances. Not that for a moment we would be supposed to compare the two men, either in their intellectual powers or in their qualifications as writers. In both respects, the one is immeasurably superior to the other; yet is the work of Lord Mandeville erudite, ingenious, full of criticism and elaborate argument, discovering great diligence in collecting materials; and we wish we could add, equal labour in arranging and applying them. But, as the object of the task which he imposed upon himself was to establish ultra, supralapsarian Calvinism, and the millenarian notion of Christ's personal reign upon earth, and this from a critical investigation of a portion of holy writ in our view the least susceptible of such an interpretation, we cannot but regard the main attempt as a failure, while we willingly admit that there are many subordinate parts which a devout mind may study with pleasure and advantage. Before we procced to confirm this qualified judgement upon the

Hora Hebraicæ, we may be excused for expressing the sacred satisfaction with which we read the noble Author's intimation of the circumstances in which it originated. Lord Mandeville does not content himself with merely writing a treatise on Christian doctrine: he exemplifies that doctrine in his life. Whatever errors there may be in his views, they cannot be fundamental, and they detract nothing from the excellence and consistency of his Christian deportment. The Work before us, it seems, was drawn up in portions, and delivered in weekly expositions at family prayers. Few noble families, we fear, recognize their chaplain in the head of their house. The master of the fold is not always its shepherd. The domestics of Lord Mandeville are taught more divinity in a week, than a whole university dispenses in a year; and though the system to which he is attached, in the hands of some of its abettors, has been made the occasion of licentiousness, yet, as enforced by his Lordship, its whole tendency is to impart and to invigorate the principles of universal holiness.

We have said that this Work is founded on what is called the supra-lapsarian scheme; and that this is the case, the following extracts sufficiently prove. The phraseology, too, is as strange as the doctrine is ultra. Speaking of the oneness between Christ and 'his brethren,' which brethren he describes as 'the many sons the captain of salvation is bringing to glory,' his Lordship tells us in so many words, that all of them were given to Christ irrespective of the fall, to be with him one lump in the bundle of life.' (p. 245.) The oneness,' he further adds, is between Christ and those 'sanctified by,' or in ""God the Father;" that church of the firstborn which opened the womb of God's eternal decree, one in and with their head before the consideration of the fall,-" pre'served in Christ Jesus," as their federal head, in the decree of the means after the consideration of the fall, and in consequence ' of this, they are in time effectually called.' This, his Lordship continues, accords with the distinction of Goodwin's, which he argues out in his work on Election. "That God had respect to man as unfallen, in his election of him to the end, and also unto man, as fallen into sin, in the decree of the means; " so he 'distinguishes (Eph. v. 23) Christ as the "head of the Church," in the supra-lapsarian decree, and the "saviour of the body," in the sub-lapsarian decree.' Again, Messiah is introduced as a son of Adam before the consideration of the fall; and the sons ' of God before their redemption, are those sons of Adam in 'whom the Wisdom-Mediator delighted before the world was.' (p. 247.) In a previous page he says, that the communication of blessedness, if taken simply and singly, might, I conceive, have been accomplished without the many sons having been permitted ' to fall into sin, but by their having been upheld like the elect angels in an overfall way.' (p. 235.) This strange term, which