course from purely friendly and benevolent motives, to keep her neighbor fully acquainted with the progress of English domination in India, and under present circumstances to encourage her in resistance to English pretensions and claims. Still further, Thibet, constituting the table land to the north of India, is a dependency of the Chinese empire; Nipal and Bhutan to the north and east of Bengal are its tributaries; and Assam, a recent conquest of the British from the Burmese, is actually conterminous with Yunnan, the most westerly province of China. The Chinese government, therefore, labors under no want of information, regarding the gradual and all-absorbing encroachments of English power, and its acts prove that it is fully alive to the danger, and is determined to guard against it. Hence its avoidance of diplomatic intercourse with the English and others, except on conditions which recognise their own superiority, and establish the relation of lord and vassal, Russia alone having, it would appear, succeeded in allaying the wellfounded jealousy of the Chinese government, and in securing equal terms of intercourse. Hence the limitation of the ports of traffic to one, contrary to the original custom of the empire, and the imposition of the various forms, regulations, and restrictions that have proved most offensive to foreigners. And hence also the alleged and not improbable intrigues of the Chinese government, against the interests and influence of the English government, at the courts of Nipal, of Burmah, of Siam, and of Cochin China, leading in the case of the two former, in combination with other causes, since the commencement of the present misunderstanding with China, to the most unfriendly demonstrations which have threatened and portended an early open rupture with both. We view all the facts belonging to this case, both those which tend to inspire the suspicions and fears of the Chinese government, and those which prove the existence of its suspicions and fears, separately and unconnectedly; and it is with some hesitation, although with a high degree of moral probability, that we deduce the effect from the cause, and infer the cause from the effect. But if we could take in the whole scope of Eastern politics from the point of view in which they are regarded by a Chinese statesman or cabinet minister, how different would be the effect on our minds! The haughty dictation of Napoleon's upstart government to ancient and venerated dynasties, his self-aggrandizing policy, ever demanding heavy sacrifices, and never satisfied with the humblest compliances, constitute but a feeble analogy to the career of England in the East at the present day; and if we could read the thoughts and schemes of emperors not yet subdued, of kings still struggling in the toils that have been spread for them, and of princes and nobles and people prostrate before their foreign conquerors, we should witness numerous exemplifications of all the virtues which nations have agreed, perhaps on false and imperfect principles, but which nations, however mistakingly, have agreed most to honor,royal pride and self-reliance amid new and unheard of difficulties, with a just indignation at the insolent dictation of foreign marauders, the loyal attachment and self-sacrificing devotion of nobles to their sovereign and their country, and the patriotism of all classes bravely fighting and dying cheerfully for national independence and for a national government, for national laws and national institutions. It will be observed that the Chinese government has been compelled to place itself in this repulsive attitude towards the English government, by causes wholly irrespective of the opium trade; but that trade has added several new and most offensive features to the system of English policy. It has been seen that the British superintendent of trade openly espoused the cause of opium smuggling and smugglers, and that the British government has literally, although perhaps blindly, engaged in war to defend them and to obtain reimbursement of their losses. What can the Chinese government think of this, but as a formal interference with, and direct attack upon, its municipal laws and institutions, by a foreign government countenancing its lawless subjects? Again, the British government of India holds the monopoly of opium in its own hands, derives a revenue of about two millions sterling annually from that source, and with that view not only stimulates the production by every means in its power, but in its opium factories and under the inspection of its own servants, carefully adapts the qualities of the drug, and even the very form in which it is packed, to the demands of the Chinese market; and when through any unforeseen occurrence or mal-arrangement loss accrues to the smuggler, it compensates him for that loss, as it has recently done within my own knowledge, under Lord Auckland's adininistration of the affairs of India, in order to encourage the smuggler to the prosecution of this prohibited traffic. All this is known to the Chinese government; and what does it exhibit but the most reckless, presumptuous, and unprincipled contempt of that government and of its laws, which, if displayed towards any European or American government, would be instantly resented in the most summary and decisive manner? Add to this, that, within the last six or eight years, a new impulse has from various causes been given to the opium traffic, so that the holders of this prohibited drug have not been content to deliver it to purchasers from the receiving ships, stationed at Lintin at the mouth of the Canton river, but have fitted out fast-sailing schooners, armed to the teeth and loaded with this pestiferous cargo, which they have forced into many of the ports on the north-east coast of China, prohibited even to the ordinary and legitimate foreign traffic,and you will have some idea of the daring lawlessness of the smuggler, when upheld and countenanced by his own unprincipled government, and of the indignation and alarm that have been spread along the whole accessible coast of the empire. After a full consideration of the merits of the case, as far as they can be estimated from the facts known to me, I have no hesitation in arriving at the conclusion, on the grounds stated, that China has afforded no just cause of offence to England, that it is China who has received gross and aggravated insult and provocation from England, and that the general policy of England in the East is systematically aggressive, and her special objects in this war wholly illegitimate and indefensible. I cannot relinquish this subject, without adverting briefly, in conclusion, to the probable results of the pending hostilities, and to the sentiments with which we should regard so dire a calamity as that of war wantonly inflicted upon any portion of the human race. Every opinion as to results is of course merely conjectural, and must be tried by the event; but when I consider, on the one hand, the vast resources of England, and the skill and science with which they can and will be wielded for the purposes of destruction; and, on the other, the extensive territory and numerous population of China, and by these means the great power which she possesses of offering at least a passive resistance, I can anticipate only a somewhat protracted war, to the continued interruption of the general commerce of the world, and to the serious mutual injury of both the belligerent parties. The state of war is, however, unnatural, and must sooner or later be followed by peace; but from the relative character and position of the two governments I do not expect anything better than a patched-up peace, to be again broken by mutual provocations and insults. As science and skill must in the long run rise superior to mere numbers, England, unless other unforeseen causes should intervene, will most probably triumph, and will add from time to time to her territorial acquisitions, and may ultimately bring, either directly or indirectly, the entire Chinese Empire under her power or influence. Some may deem that the triumph of European over Asiatic civilization will be salutary in its effects upon the general condition of mankind and the great interests of the world; but, let us not forget, that, although God may turn evil to good, the character of evil and of the evil-doer remains unchanged. In ancient times it was said of a great conqueror whom the Almighty employed as the rod of his anger and the instrument of his purposes, "Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so; but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few." In like manner we may have entire confidence that the Lord God omnipotent reigneth, and that he will make all things work together for good; and yet we may be bound to bear a faithful testimony, and condemn with an unsparing voice wherever and by whomsoever we find violence and injustice committed. With the moral nature we possess, and under the moral government to which we are subject, we have no right to conclude that evil will produce good; on the contrary, we are bound to conclude that the good we desire will in due time be produced, without the evil means which bad men would employ to produce it, and without the crime and misery, the sin and suffering, which the employment of such means must always entail. This is not only a clear deduction from the fundamental truths of religion and morality, but it is supported and confirmed by the daily lessons of experience, which show that fraud, and violence, and bloodshed, are always followed, in one form or another, to the oppressor as well as to the oppressed, by physical wretchedness and moral degradation; while the beneficent objects sought, or professed to be sought, are counteracted and defeated by the very means employed. I have no faith in the promotion of morality by immoral means, of civilization by decivilizing agencies, of Christianity by unchristian and anti-christian influences. With special reference to the war between Great Britain and China, a subject of the Chinese Empire must know and feel it to be insulting, unjust, cruel, and spoliatory, an Englishman honorably may and does condemn it as disgraceful to the national morals, as tending to cherish and extend a ruinous love of conquest, and as introducing a fresh element of instability into the constitution of the British Empire, already possessing an overgrown magnitude, and composed of the most discordant materials, every foreigner, whether European or American, will perceive in it another proof of the grasping policy and dictatorial demeanor of England in the East, and every genuine philanthropist and sincere Christian will fearlessly denounce it, because it tramples on the universal law of love, because it violates the commands of a merciful God, and because, to gratify the cupidity of sordid and the ambition of daring minds, it recklessly inflicts misery upon innocent millions. W. A. ART. II.-1. Theopneusty, or the Plenary Inspiration of the 3. Entwickelung des Paulinischen Lehrbegriffes, in seinem Verhaltnisse zur biblischen Dogmatik des Neuen Testa mentes. Ein exegetisch-dogmatischen Versuch von LEONHARD USTERI, Rector und Prof. am Gymnasium zu Bern. Zurich. 1834. pp. 434. [A development of the peculiar doctrinal views of Paul, considered in relation to the general doctrinal system of the New Testament. An expository and doctrinal Essay by LEONARD USTERI, Rector and Professor of the Gymnasium at Berne.] THE three works, the titles of which we have given above, are all of foreign origin; one from the capital of Prussia, one from the German division of Switzerland, and the other from |