"You hadn't any command at that moment," I said. She cast me a fiery glance and bit her lip as if on something she had decided to suppress. I think she determined at that moment to try diplomacy. "Tell me," she said, in a milder voice, "tell me exactly what it's like, and how I'm-how I came out, I mean." "Well, you know what happens when you catch a' crab,' "" I said, evasively. "Yes," she said, doubtfully. You ENGINE 822 PACIFIC TYPE LOCOMOTIVE, C. R. I. & P. RY.-Courtesy Bro. J. Smith, Div. 60. one of you; at least, of part of you. If you could see it "I don't want to see it," she broke in. "You must destroy it at once. "But it's the only thing I have of you, now that you've burnt that," and I indicated the fire. "You've no right to any of me. I don't see why you want one at all," said Miss Moreton, hotly. "I don't say I have any right," I replied, meekly; "but I'm going to stick to what I have. After all, it's mine. I took it." "It's perfectly disgraceful of you, and -and-the law," declared she, her face mean-am I-do I-?" She hesitated almost wistfully. 66 Well, you do, rather," I answered reluctantly. 66 "Mr. Mallison," she said earnestly and very persuasively, putting a hand on my arm, you will destroy it, won't you?" It was pretty; it was pathetic; it almost succeeded. But I hardened my heart. "On one condition," I said, slowly, "and it's a very easy condition. I might make much better terms." Miss Moreton flounced away indignantly, and I proceeded on my way to her mother to make my adieux. The room was fairly empty now, and I was following a little knot of departing guests into the hall when I heard my name reiterated earnestly and softly. I turned. "Mr. Mallison, I wish you would stay just one moment," said Miss Moreton. "I" She hesitated, glanced about the emptying room and then moved towards the back of it, where a little antechamber gave upon it through wide folding doors. I followed. "You really mean what you say?" she asked suddenly, confronting me. I said that I did. “Very well," she said bitterly. 'It's the most atrocious conduct of you, and I'll never forget or forgive it. But 66 She angrily tossed open an album on the table and at last stopped. I bent down and a beautiful face on fair shoulders, crowning a pretty evening gown, looked at me with a charming smile. I looked at my companion. I wished she would smile like that at me, but even in her anger she was wonderful. Her gaze expressed coldness, distance * * tempt. "It's a most magnificent likeness," I breathed fervently. 66 "It's-it's divine." * con "It's said to be good," said Miss Moreton, indifferently. "It's the most beautiful picture I've ever seen," I said. "Do you think so, really?" asked Miss Moreton. "It's your living, breathing image that looks out on me," I continued. "They do take very well, as a rule, those people," said Miss Moreton, affably. "You can't wonder that I want it!" I exclaimed. "I'd give anything for "Well, you can take it, if you'll give me your word to destroy the-that other thing," said she, in a not unfriendly voice. I promised, and she graciously helped me to extract the photograph from the album. I buttoned it safely over my heart in my pocket, but Miss Moreton, having completed the bargain, of course, took no more interest in the matter. She was gazing down the room at someone else. But a thought occurred to her. "You haven't shown that-that absurd snapshot to anyone?" she asked anxiously. "Oh, no," I said. "I've never printed it." "Oh!" she said; "but you said "Well, you see, I could make out some patches and a foot, but I broke it, unfortunately, as I was developing it." Miss Moreton's mouth was firm. "Mr. Mallison, give me back that photograph,' she demanded. "But I'm going to finish the breakage," I protested. 'Give it to me back at once,' " she insisted, advancing on me. I was driven to If Lawson and Folk and Steffens and Miss Tarbell keep up the race, the only clean, respectable institution left in the country will be trade unionism. By the time Miss Tarbell got through with the Standard Oil Trust, it hadn't a shred of decency left. The criminal word" plunder was written all over it. She proved it to be a gigantic pyramid of wreckage. The popular opinion of Rockefeller today is not that he is an organizer but a conspirator. Where she dropped the story Lawson has picked it up. He doesn't write from the outside, like Miss Tarbell. He is an insider, and knows more about the tricks of monopoly. According to him the whole gang of Wall street millionaires, from Morgan down to Addicks, is nothing but a crowd of "sure thing gamblers and gold brick swindlers. Even the semi-gods of insurance, who have been sitting on the topmost peak of respectability, wearing halos and pretending to be protectors of widows and orphans, are accused of being runners of Wall street gambling concerns. Folk and Steffens are busy painting the word "graft" on the leading business men of American cities. If what they say is true our corrupt politicians are only the hired burglars of our chamber of commerce. They are sent into public offices to hand out special privileges just as a boy is sent into a back window by a housebreaker to hand out the silverware. Now, what do you think would happen if all those charges had been against labor unions? Give Gompers the reputation of Addicks, and how long would he be at liberty? Give John Mitchell the black record of John D. Rockefeller, and what would the coal trust do to him in its righteous wrath? If what is now being proved against the beef trust were proved against the American Federation of Labor, Congress would hold a special session and wipe it out of existence. Every pulpiteer in our forty-seven States would roar his indignation, and the W. C. T. U. would send in petitions against unionism ten miles long. Suppose that the criminals who were dug up in St. Louis by Folk had all been trade union officials, do you think that they would have escaped punishment so easily? Every one of them would be today behind the bars. Suppose that the death-ship "General Slocum" had belonged to the Shipbuilders' Union, don't you think that someone would have been punished for those 1,020 deaths? Suppose the Iroquois Theater had belonged to the Carpenters' Union, do you think such a tragedy would have ended up in a general whitewashing? The fact is that trade unionists have to live up to a higher standard of morality than any other class of citizens. They are under the law, not over it like the trusts and the judges and the lawyers and the politicians. If they make one slip, down goes the net and they are caught. You may be sure that when labor leaders are at large, it is because they have a right to be left alone. The same cannot be said of any millionaires. Do you know that union officials handle millions of dollars every year, yet how seldom do you hear of any dishonesty? The Moulders' Union alone last year had an income of over $650,000, and everything right to the penny. The present treasurer of the Bricklayers' Union has held the job since before most of the members were born, and never had a cent go astray. These are not exceptions, but simply show the general rule. 66 In money matters the record of trade unionism is better than that of the banks or the insurance companies. Did you ever hear of a union losing its funds by backing a Wall street game? Did you ever hear of one labor organization that lost money on "Steel Preferred " or Amalgamated Copper?" Did you ever hear of a trade union capitalizing itself at $50,000,000, and selling the stock to its members? Can you name one prominent labor leader who has ever been caught in such dirty and disreputable finance as the shipbuilding trust, promoted by that anti-unionist, Charles M. Schwab? In all the probing of political corruption that has been going on in the past few years, have you heard of any trade union that has been bribing legislatures and stealing franchises? Not one. There isn't a church in the United States that has a cleaner reputation in this respect. Have you even read of a divorce scandal in true union circles? There is no cleaner, or more honorable piece of cardboard in the country than a paid-up union card. No corporation charter or professional diploma can compare with it. The man who belongs to a union can hold his head high and say, "I belong to a straight crowd of men, who want nothing but what belongs to them." Both mentally and morally the skilled worker of America can take his stand with the best. Nothing but modesty keeps him down. A few days before he died, John Swinton, that noble champion of wage-workers, said in a public meeting: "I am free to say, after mingling for a lifetime with men of all sorts and conditions from Wall street and Herald Square to the Santa Fe River and Pike's Peak, that the workingmen's union contains plenty of members whose mental caliber is equal to that of the most prominent men in business or finance." I am not saying that labor leaders are stained glass angels, or that trade unions never make mistakes, and never do wrong. But I do say that when you compare unions and their leaders with capitalism and its leaders, unionism will take the prize from any fair-minded jury. And long after capitalism has toppled to its fall, unionism will be on top of the earth and carrying on better business in a better way. That's all.-Rev. Herbert N. Casson, in San Antonio Weekly Dispatch. Amalgamation in England. The Associated Society of Railroad Servants, which includes all classes from trackmen to engineers, and the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen are having a rather heated discussion over the subject of amalgamation, the former evidently desirous of absorbing the latter, but the engineers would have all the engineers join the A. S. L. E. & F. and federate whenever that was necessary to produce results. The London Railway Review, representing the A. S. R. S., has presented seven leading articles contending for amalgamation, in which have appeared some sharp paragraphs which induced sharp answers from the A. S. L. E., an evidence that they are wide apart in some things, and the surprising information given in the debate is the number of engineers in proportion to the whole which belongs to either SOciety. The Railway Review of June 16 contains the following: THE A. S. R. S. AND ENGINEMEN.-VI. IN the discussion of any question it is necessary te find some common ground of agreement; some fundamental point from which it is possible to start together; some solid foundation on which to build. Is it possible to find such a foundation in the present case? We believe it is. That common ground may be found in the fact that there are 27,000 enginemen in the United Kingdom who believe in organisation, and who have given effect to their faith by joining one or other of the two societies to which they are eligible. That is a great and important factor in any discussion of the conditions and prospects of Trade Union organisation for this grade. Twenty-seven thousand organised out of 55,000, or nearly 50 per cent., and most of these, doubtless, those in the higher and more responsible positions. But it is possible to carry the agreement still further. These 27,000 men ought to be in one society. Mr. Fox says so. A writer in the Journal whom we quoted last week says so. And we say so, too, They ought to be in one society. We say it with all the earnestness, with all the persuasiveness, of which we are capable. Being in two societies spells division, impotence, and despair. Being in two societies is responsible for the want of progress which has marked enginemen and firemen during the last 25 to 30 years. It is responsible for the actual retrogression which has taken place on many lines, and especially on the Great Western and London and North-Western. It is responsible for the impotence of the men in face of the very serious dangers which are now taking place on our railways today, and against which-so long as the men are divided into two societies-it is difficult to contend. It is not the principle of combination which is at fault, but the want of it. Imperfect organisation, while better than nothing, is not and cannot be so effective as perfect organisation. "Divide and conquer" has ever been the policy of the employer, but here it is the folly of the men which gives them their opportunity, which wantonly and wilfully destroys the effectiveness of their Trade Union faith. On this point, then, we are all agreed-all loco. men should be in one society. But which society? That, we submit, is a most important question, and one not so easily settled. It is where the difficulties have always arisen, largely, we fear, because the subject has not been approached in the dry light of pure reason, free from prejudice and from rancour, and with that desire to put first the advancement of enginemen, which should characterise every considera. tion of so important a question. Candidly, we would make every reasonable sacrifice and concession to secure a really satisfac tory settlement and amalgamation of the forces of enginemen, but we think a section al union a mistaken idea, and we hold that we have history and experience on our side. Last week we attempted to show that sectionalism had failed, and we gave that as our main reason for opposing the attempt of the Associated Society to capture the enginemen members of the A.S.R.S., either a few at a time or en bloc. As we have already stated, it is our firm belief that all enginemen should be in one union. There are two ways in which this might be brought about, and only two. Either the A. S. R. S. enginemen must leave it and join the Associated, in which case they would have to forego the whole of the benefits for which they have paid, and should go over in a body and take their proportion of the funds. That is a still wilder suggestion, and one clearly bordering on the impossible. All these suggestions, approaches, attempts to secure that the locomotive men shall leave the A.S.R. S. and go over to the Associated Society are no doubt made in good faith, and considered to be both sound and feasible plans for uniting enginemen in one society. But they lack any real grip with the essential facts of the case. It is impossible for the loco. men to leave the A. S. R. S. in a body, except at immense sacrifice, at great risk to themselves, and with the more than possible likelihood of ENGINE NO. 15, PHOENIX & EASTERN RY. [A. T. & S. F.] AND EXCURSION TRAIN. Bro. Waddington of 647, Engineer, standing on pilot; Traveling Engineer Harry Elliott, to the left, Conductor Buckley to the right.-Courtesy W. W. all the advantages to be derived from membership therein, or the Associated Society must join its forces to the Amalgamated Society, in which case its members would lose little or nothing and gain much. One writer in the Journal suggests that it would pay the other grades to transfer the locomotive members of the A. S. R. S., but the only way in which he suggests they would obtain payment is by the reflex activity which a united enginemen's society would bring to bear upon their conditions. A one-sided bargain surely. Another suggests that loco. men the sacrifice being all in vain. The other grades could not be expected to hand over any proportion of the accumulated funds of the A.S.R.S. We do not think they could legally do so, and we are quite sure an apportionment on any fair and equitable basis would be impossible. On the other hand, for the Associated Society to amalgamate to the A.S.R.S. is both praticable and possible, would injure no one, would assist everyone, and would bring about that consummation so perfervidly desired by the writers to whom we have referred, viz., all enginemen in one society, and with |