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condition, but they are not drunk! Then when Sunday comes they can go to church and kneel down and pray to God to help the drunkard! We claim that if it is wrong for one man to do these things, it is wrong for all, and what is right for one is right for all.

We claim that all the railroads of the country should be under the control of the nation. People call this socialism; but if this were done there would be more system and better regulation about travelling and the different classes of goods carried, as well as the rates charged and the fares paid by each man, or woman, or child. The railroad companies carry the orders for goods, which orders, in the form of letters, are controlled by the government; yet when the goods arrive the railroad company can refuse to carry the goods bought with the orders, if they choose to do so. If it is right for the government to carry the order it is right for it to carry the goods purchased with the order. We don't want this earth to be controlled by any one corporation; railway service of New England. ticut are controlled by ten men. swiftest express trains to do the work, and to do it right. Sometimes our men strike. they are hidden away from the the papers, or learn anything? child shall enter a factory or shop until it has passed the fifteenth year. This is not that it may spend its time on the street, or looking into a saloon, but go to school. We should have a compulsory law for compensation to be paid by employers for loss of limbs, as they have in England, where they are away ahead of us in this respect. This would prevent the son from taking his father's place when the latter is disabled.

we want the consolidated To-day those of ConnecWe want the lightest and

Can you blame them when light, with no chance to read That is why we say that no

Our organization recognizes no race, creed, or color, and to-day a colored man who is doing the same work and in just as good a manner, so long as the calling is honorable, is allowed to come into the organization and have his rights and wrongs discussed.

We stand all over the country, and are trying to stimulate people to act in the coming campaign. The man who casts his vote should do so free from the influence of the saloon, the politician, and the corporation. We are striving for the Australian ballot system, and do not wish to legislate for the illiterate, but rather for the intelligent.

We want the golden rule, “Do unto others as you would have others do unto you," in practice. At present the motto, "Do your neighbor quick or he'll do you," is in force, and this we want abolished.

At the close of MR. POWDERLY'S address, which was received with enthusiasm and applause, the MISSES SWAYNE sang "Leaf by Leaf," following which a spirited discussion of the various subjects introduced was engaged in by MISS YATES, MR. BLACKWELL, and WILLIAM PARKE.

MISS YATES said that it sometimes seemed that we were in a very unhappy state, but she felt to-day that she had been baptized with a wave of human progress, and had been led to the belief that the woman's cause is the man's cause.

In the past

there was no belief that a girl needed an industrial education, and her education was regarded as finished after she was sixteen; she then went home to wait for the coming man whom she had been trained to expect. Sometimes this man never comes, or if he does she has to support him.

Though not yet a voter, my faith has increased and my courage has advanced. The experience on the occasion of voting on the Prohibitory Amendment in Massachusetts convinced me that the dirty influences and surroundings of politics will do no harm to women. At the polls they would have every attention and civility; they would hear no obscene language, no coarse jests, and nothing to offend the polite ear.

I like the eight-hour system; it is good for the men to go home and help their wives. I never liked the idea of woman's sphere being confined to the home while the man has all outdoors. Have not men the lion's share of everything, and also the lamb's? We are coming to recognize the fact that we

need more father in the home and more mother in the gov

ernment.

MR. BLACKWELL, in the course of his remarks, said that we don't realize the fact that we are all laborers, and the relation between employer and employé is not understood. The labor of brain and hand can never be divorced. What should we do without the inventor, the one who does the planning? Too many labor movements underestimate the brain power; it always will be better paid, because it is of more importance than the power which lies in the hands.

To-day the great interest of the labor movement is in the right of the women to vote. The moment the women get into work the price of labor goes down. We must make a public sentiment that will discourage and discountenance the half-pay labor of women. The Knights of Labor must be the champions of women, as the beneficent end of fair pay and fair work to all.

WILLIAM PARKE spoke at some length, asking MR. PowDERLY a number of questions concerning the order, its methods and objects. He said that men make a tremendous mistake in thinking a movement can be pushed without a party. They should vote for what they believe to be right, hang together, and thus you have a party.

HENRY KENT asked about the strikes among Knights of Labor, and who orders them, to which MR. POWDERLY replied. He said that the great Southwest strike called the attention of the country to the Knights of Labor. In that case the five members of the General Executive Board had power to stop all work. The strength and sentiments of the order had been greatly misrepresented by the press of the country; among other papers, by the New York Sun. In the organization there are now three hundred thousand members in good standing, who are in sympathy with the sentiments expressed here to-day. We have radical ideas, but a conservative method of getting there. No strike has ever taken place with the consent of the General Board; three or four strikes

have occurred with the consent of district officers. While we abhor strikes, yet if the men are oppressed in a manner to merit such treatment, they should resort to a strike.

In reply to a question from MR. PARKE, he said: The politician is just what we make him; he is no better and no worse. You may call a caucus in some town, and not many of the citizens will turn out unless you have a barrel of beer. We make education the basis of organization, in order to teach the ignorant voter, and unless some organization stands out and shows him the truth, how will he know how to vote? There is room in the land for all who can work, but the opportunity to do so is often taken away from them. This we are going to give them by stopping the tide of immigration. My father drove his pick into the first coal that came out of the valley of Scranton. At that time one thousand men were needed where five are needed now. I could stand here a week and not tell all of the organization's doings. Good feelings are being brought about between us and the other organizations, and better times are coming as sure as God lives, and until they do come we will continue to agitate.

At the close of MR. POWDERLY's explanatory remarks MR. HINCKLEY referred in his closing speech to the several speakers, particularly those of the two afternoons, MESSRS. PENTECOST and POWDERLY. This afternoon we had been given a glimpse of the great battle of to-day and that of the future. The meeting would close to-day with the assurance that the early spirit of Longwood still prevails among its friends. Work still remains to be done, and in the future you who come here may hear good words on new subjects.

The exercises closed with the singing of " Abide with Me," by the MISSES SWAYNE. The meeting adjourned at four o'clock P.M., having spent two very satisfactory days in the carrying out of the programme as it had been arranged. At its close many persons sought MR. POWDERLY and shook him by the hand, expressing approbation of the sentiments he had expressed.

MEMORIALS.

OLIVER JOHNSON.

CONSPICUOUS among the master-spirits who breathed into this organization the breath of life, and made it what it was, and is, and will be, is OLIVER JOHNSON, whose mortal part we lately laid in the Longwood Cemetery, and whose immortal qualities we treasure in thought and memory, for ourselves and for our posterity.

He was fortunate and our country was fortunate in his living through a period in which the powers of darkness and light were at desperate war, and moral heroism of the highest type was needed.

Contemporary with Garrison, whose enthusiasm he naturally caught, and with whom he enlisted in the moral crusade against human slavery, it followed as a logical consequence that the theological fetters of the soul, which as an inheritance for a little while he wore, were burst asunder and left behind as new visions of truth opened and widened before him. Freedom for others meant freedom for himself. Self-ownership of the body meant self-ownership of the mind, and created a demand for a religious organization broad enough to welcome to its communion all the seekers of light and lovers of truth. This he realized in this Longwood Meeting, which to his latest day he treasured in memory with affectionate tenderness. Perhaps we cannot more justly memorialize our great departed than by quoting from his warm personal friend John W. Chadwick, who said, "When Johnson became acquainted with James and Lucretia Mott, then began his sympathy with liberal Friends which flowered at length into

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