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The charge for a single copy 15 $1.75 ($2.20 for foreign mailing). There are no restrictions on the republication of material ap Week Ending Friday, October 2, 1987 Federal Bureau of Investigation Statement by the President on the Senate Confirmation of William Steele Sessions To Be Director. September 25, 1987 I am pleased that the Senate today unanimously confirmed my nomination of Judge William Steele Sessions to be the new Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. We can be sure that he will continue to distinguish himself as he has since 1974 on the United States District Court for the Western District of Texas, where he served as Chief Judge for the last 7 years. His background on this court as well as his prior experiences as U.S. Attorney and Chief of the Government Operations Section of the Criminal Division in the Department of Justice have prepared him well to carry on the Bureau's great tradition of “Fidelity, Bravery, Integrity." In this bicentennial year of our Constitution all Americans can be proud to have a man of Judge Sessions' character and integrity leading the FBI in the fight against crime, all the while bearing witness to the Nation's unswerving commitment to due process of law. Judge Sessions embodies the ideal that the enforcement of our laws must be very tough, but very fair. Under the direction of Judge Sessions, the FBI will carry on its crucial responsibility to safeguard our persons, our property, and our constitutional rights. Note: The statement was not received by the Office of the Federal Register in time for inclusion in last week's issue. Federal Debt Limit and Deficit Reduction Bill * Radio Address to the Nation. September 26, 1987 My fellow Americans: There's good news. The Federal deficit for this year is expected to drop by some 30 percent compared to last year. That could be a whopping $65 billion reduction, and it happened without a tax increase. There's also some disappointing news. The Congress, once again, has passed a bill that puts me in the position of accepting legislation with which I fundamentally dis agree. The bill would continue the authority of the United States Government to borrow funds which we must do to avoid the default on our obligations. This legislation also includes a so-called "fix" of the GrammRudman-Hollings deficit reduction law, but it really is an attempt to force me eventually either to sign a tax bill or to accept massive cuts in national defense, or both. I would have no problem with signing an extension of the debt limit. But the choice is for the United States to default on its debts for the first time in our 200-year history, or to accept a bill that has been cluttered up. This is yet another example of Congress trying to force my hand, and it's one more reason why the President needs the line-item veto to separate the good from the bad. Unfortunately, Congress consistently brings the Government to the edge of default before facing its responsibility. This brinkmanship threatens the holders of Government bonds and those who rely on Social Security and veterans benefits. Interest rates would skyrocket. Instability would occur in financial markets, and the Federal deficit would soar. The United States has a special responsibility to itself and the world to meet its obligations. It means we have a well-earned reputation for reliability and credibility-two things that set us apart from much of the world. Some in Congress will claim that if I reject this bill with its Gramm-Rudman-Hollings fix, then I'm against deficit reduction. But, of course, nothing is farther from the truth. Since 1980 when you first elected me to this office, I have led efforts to control Congress' appetite to spend in deficit. Over a 5-year period, while revenues went up 28 percent, congressional spending went up 46 percent. From 1982 to 1987, for every dollar Congress cut from our national defense, they added $2 for domestic spending. Now, that's not fiscal restraint. Two years ago, Congress took a first step to curb spending with Gramm-Rudman-Hollings, and I agreed. Its purpose was to get on a track to lower deficits and eventually a balanced budget. Well, the ink was not even dry before Congress walked away from its own plan. Instead of facing the tough choices to reduce Federal spending, Congress attempted to shift the burden to our national security and to you, the American taxpayers, in the form of new taxes. For those who say further responsible spending reductions are not possible, they are wrong. For those who say the only choice is undermining our national security at a time when the United States is close to an agreement with the Soviet Union on reducing nuclear weapons, they are wrong. For those who say more taxes will solve our deficit problem, they are wrong. Every time Congress increases taxes, the deficit does not decrease, spending increases. It's time for a clear and consistent policy to reduce the Federal budget deficit. In the weeks ahead, Congress will have the opportunity to meet this commitment. So today, let's get some things clear. I will not hesitate to use my veto to hold down excess spending, and I will spell out the impact. that defense cuts will have on our longterm security interests. You don't need more taxes to balance the budget. Congress needs the discipline to stop spending more, and that can be done with the passage of a constitutional amendment to balance the budget. Congress needs to reform its budget process, at least by breaking up those massive, catch-all spending bills into individual parts. That way, each part can stand on its own. And to meet the new deficit target in Gramm-Rudman-Hollings, if Congress insists on lowering defense spending, then I will certainly insist on lowering domestic spending as well. This decision is not easy. I have no choice but to sign this bill to guarantee the United States Government's credit. But I also will not permit Congress to dismantle our national defense, to jeopardize arms reduc tion, or to increase your taxes. I am determined that will not happen. Until next week, thank you, and God bless you. Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from the Oval Office at the White House. Vladimir Feltsman Remarks at a White House Reception. September 27, 1987 Well, Vladimir Feltsman, one critic has called you, “extraordinary, brilliant," while another has written, "He must be counted among the great musicians of the world.” Well, after listening to your performance this evening-well, if anything, those critics were guilty of understatement. But on this the occasion of your first concert in the United States, I know that everyone here wants to join Nancy and me in extending the warmest congratulations. I called this your first concert in the United States, but that isn't quite accurate. Your first concert took place 5 years ago at Lincoln Center. As a spotlight shone upon an empty stage, an audience listened to recordings of your music, because you had not been permitted to leave your own country for that performance. Your request for immigration led to artistic exile in your homeland. Long and difficult years followed. And of these long years you've said, and I quote, "I worked very hard. I studied a lot of music I had never played before, like 'Maple Street Rag'[laughter-and God knows I had the time for it. I had nerves and fits of depression, but the experience taught me a lot. I now understand life and the nature of people and the values of real friendship, which means, also, that I understand music better. In all honesty I can say that I'm playing better now than 8 years ago." Well, Vladimir Feltsman, that you manifest no bitterness, that you speak instead of |