*

For several days he baffled his judges and the crown lawyers; but Clarendon and Charles had resolved that Vane, as a man of "mischievous activity" must die.* He was condemned contrary to law, and sentenced to be executed. He walked with " a serene, a calm, and almost a divine composure" to the scaffold. His last thoughts rested upon the "cause" which was so often on his lips, and for which he so cheerfully laid down his life. "I bless the Lord I have not deserted the righteous CAUSE for which I suffer," he was heard. to say. For a moment he prayed upon the scaffold that God would enable his servant who was about to suffer "to glorify thee in the discharge of his duty to thee and to his country;" then stretching out his hands the executioner at a blow severed his head from his body.

The theory of government and political principles entertained by Vane, have been freely indicated in this work. They may be briefly summed up in these three leading ideas, which formed the basis of a bill he reported to Parliament for establishing the government on the foundation of a democratic constitution.

1st. That a fundamental constitution, limiting the powers of government, ought first to be established.

* After the trial the king wrote to Clarendon, reminding him that Vane on his trial, had been so insolent as to justify all he had done." "If he was given new occasion to be hanged," remarked the faithless monarch, "certainly he is too dangerous a man to let live, if we can honestly put him out of the way."

The highest authorities on the criminal law, Hale, Hawkins, Foster agree in this.

2d. That by this constitution monarchy should be declared destructive to the people's liberties.

3d. That magistrates should have no power to exercise compulsion in matters of faith and worship.

In these elementary propositions is contained Vane's whole political creed. They assert the cardinal truths which lie at the foundation of our own institutions.

It is impossible not to be struck with his elevated conceptions of religious freedom, or to admire his ceaseless and noble efforts in its behalf. Freedom of intellect and freedom of worship he regarded even more, if possible, than political liberty, as the inalienable right of mankind. For this faith of his life he was always ready to sacrifice himself. From the commencement of his public career to his last hour on the scaffold, he continued to assert and defend it. Never, to the time of his death, did he cease to be the consistent and fearless champion of universal toleration. He plead alike for Biddle and the gifted Mrs. Hutchinson. Over Jew as well as Gentile-over heathen as well as Christian, he was willing the state should throw the broad ægis of its protection. He heard unmoved the fiery denunciations of the pious, though somewhat narrow-minded Baxter; he listened with calmness to reproof from his friends, when they gently chided him for giving expression to what they were pleased to consider as latitudinarian and dangerous doctrines. But the reproof died away and the denunciations fell harmless at his feet, as he met them with the noble reply that he dared not exclude

"even the heathen from his charity, since in doing that he might shut out those whom Christ, the great head of the Church, might possibly at the final day acknowledge and welcome as his own."

In popular estimation the names of Pym and Hampden, as the champions of English liberty, entirely eclipse that of Sir Harry Vane. In our view, standing upon the vantage-ground of the nineteenth century, and in the midst of a more extended and successful development of democratic government than the world has yet seen, we should say this was but another of those errors which history has imposed upon mankind. Neither Hampden nor Pym comprehended in its full extent, the whole theory of popular liberty. Their effort was to destroy arbitrary power, to reform certain gross abuses, and to secure the independence of Parliament. They wished, however, to preserve, not to destroy, the constitution as it existed, and the monarchy; they fought not against the king's person but his prerogative. Vane's views went much further than this. Inferior in intellect to neither Pym nor Hampden, as a statesman he was superior to both. He comprehended the theory of democratic liberty and progress as we understand it on this side of the Atlantic; and he proposed during his public career and boldly advocated its cardinal principles, such as free religious as well as civil liberty, the separation of church and state, popular representation, and equal suffrage, the responsibility of the executive, and a WRITTEN CONWhile Pym and Hampden, the devoted

STITUTION.

champions of English constitutional liberty against arbitrary power, are justly entitled to the gratitude of their countrymen, Vane deserves the admiration as well as the gratitude of posterity and the world, as the statesman whose far-reaching intellect, in an age of intolerance in religion and absolutism in government, comprehended the full truth of the democratic principle, and stood forth the unflinching champion of the civil and religious liberties of the people.*

* In the foregoing reflections on Vane and Cromwell, the author has freely extracted from two magazine articles written by him and heretofore published.

CHAPTER III.

Sidney's contemporaries-Bradshaw-Milton-Marten-Scot-BlakeFairfax-St. John-Ireton-Sidney in retirement at PenshurstAgain visits the Hague-John De Witt-His character as a statesman -Meeting between him and Sidney-Patriotism and ability of De Witt-His death-Sidney returns from the Hague-Retires again to Penshurst His literary pursuits-His amusements-Continued hostility to Cromwell and his government-Incurs the displeasure of his brother, Lord Lisle-Letter of Lord Lisle to his fatherDownfall of the protectoral government-Reassembling of the Long Parliament-Sidney again a member of Parliament-In the executive council-Close of his legislative career-Reflections on the counter Revolution.

THE connection of Col. Sidney with the army and the Long Parliament, brought him into close and intimate relations with the leading republican statesmen of the Commonwealth. In the last chapter we have incidently glanced at the characters and public actions of two men of that period, most eminent for ability and influence-Cromwell and Vane-whose histories intimately blend with that of Sidney. The subject is sufficiently inviting to tempt a further digression, and to induce us to notice briefly two or three others of Sidney's contemporaries, in and out of Parliament, who