to a prohibition to all the world besides. But this she had an indisputable right to do, and We proceed to examine the correctness of we have no cause to complain, provided the the report as to the countervailing duties on countervailing duty does not exceed 10 percent. certain articles which they have selected to on the duty laid on the same article, when imshew in what manner Great Britain" has ex-ported under the same circumstances in her ceeded the fair intent and meaning of the treaty," or wherein she gets an advantage over us in its strict observance. We shall take up the several articles in their order.

Fish Oil, and Tobacco, are first mentioned as objects on which the highest countervailing duties have been imposed. The former is in-tradiction to the implied opinion of the Comteresting to the northern, the latter to the southern States, and if the repeal of the discriminating duties will tend to raise the value of these articles, it must of course be popular both in the north and south. We shall soon see

enough to outweigh the difference of dif ferent samples.

ported by British subjects from any British colony or plantation in America; subject nevertheless, to all the regulations and restrictions The report next states, that " Rice, when relating to the importation and exportation imported into Great Britain in an American thereof, provided in an act passed the 29th | ship, is charged with a duty of eightpence year of his Majesty's reign, entitled, "An act 8-10ths sterling per hundred weight more than for repealing the duties on tobacco and snuff. when imported in a British ship; this extra and for granting new duties in lieu thereof;" duty amounts on a tierce of rice, to about and in another act, passed the 13th year, with 3s. 9d. sterling; the freight of a tierce of rice the same title. By those acts, tobacco im- may be estimated at 12s. sterling. No person ported into Great Britain, whether in British will give 15s. gd. in an American, when he or American bottoms, may be warehoused free can have the same carried for 12s. in a British of expence on the importer's own bond for pay- ship." Here we have the same charge to make ment of the duties within 18 months, and if against the Committee as in the two preceding within that time the same is taken out for re- articles, that they have presented so lame and exportation, the bond is cancelled without pay-partial a view of the subject, as is calculated to ment of any duty whatever; but if it is taken out for home-consumption, it is then subject to the full duties payable by law, which duties are 6-20d, customs and 1s. Id. excise, making in the whole, Is. 7d. 20 sterling per pound, subject also if imported in American vessels, Is. 6d. the 100 pound, or 7-10ths of a farthing per pound, and averaging hogsheads at 1100lb. (which is believed to be nearer the truth 1200, as asserted by the Committee) makes 16s. 6d. the hogshead; standing thus, Duty of customs and excise on hogsheads imported in British ships

8

£87 I
2

mislead those who are not already conversant with the business.

will command the greatest price, which hap pens uot unfrequently, it is admitted entirely duty free.

By the 7th article of the British statute of July 1797, it is provided that any rice, being the growth of the United States, which shad be imported from thence into Great Britain, may be landed in certain enumerated ports, and warehoused under the joint locks of his Ma thanjesty and the importer, in such warehouses as shall be approved of by the commissioners of customs, free of duty, unless it shall afterwards be taken out for home consumption, in which case the rice is liable, previously to its being If imported in American ships, 87 17 taken out of the warehouse, to the full dudes From this statement it will be seen, first, payable by law on British imported rice, and that what is called the countervailing duty on also to the countervailing duty, which, as ap obacco, instead of being 10 per cent. on the pears from inspection of the table, is considerduties, as it might have been by the treaty, and ably under the 10 per cent. But it is impor which in place of 16s. 6d. would have aniount- tant to observe, that when the article is in the ed to 1. 8-14-2, per hogshead, falls some frac-greatest demand, and consequently when it tions short of 1 per cent. Secondly, That this duty is only paid by the purchasers for home consumption; that is, the English tobacconist advances the duty, which is ultimately paid by Again, "Pot and pearl ashes pay a counthe consumer. Thirdly, That the exported to- tervailing duty of 2d. 14-15ths the hundred bacco from Great Britain pays no duty at all. weight. A cask of ashes contains about three And here it may be observed that all things be-hundred weight: the extra duty on that by an ing equal, that tobacco will have the preference for exportation, which is entitled to the drawback, thus leaving the British imported tobacco for home consumption, and giving the preference to the American; on the whole it is believed and it is calculated by those most conversant with this subject, that three hogsheads in four will be re-exported, so that threefourths of the tobacco is not even affected by the countervailing duty; 400 hogsheads, as stated by the Committee, may be taken as the average burden of ships; 100 only, we have seen, are subject to the countervailing duty, which at 16s. 6d. the hogshead, is 821. 10s. or 366 dollars 66-100 cents. more on a cargo, if imported in American, than imported in British bottoms, instead of between fifteen and sixteen hundred dollars. Thus then we see, that the amazing duty on tobacco, which has been magnified to an amount too enormous to be borne or even looked at with patience, appears, on examination, to be too trifling to have any effect on the mind of the purchaser; not

4

American ship will be nine-pence per barrelthe freight of such barrel is presumed to be 5s. or 5. 6d. sterling in time of peace; a difference of nine-pence sterling per barrel will effectually give the carriage to British ships of all the ashes exported from the United States to Great Britain."

The Committee are undoubtedly correct in point of fact, as far as they go, (except that in stead of 5s. or 5s. 6d. it should be 7s. 6d. or 8s.) but their statement is materially defective, and their conclusion altogether erroneous. Suppose two ships in the port of London of 250 tons each, and capable of carrying say 1500 bbls. the one American, the other British, and both up for freight, and a merchant wanted to get brought from the United States a cargo of pot or pearl ashes. The British ship, by not being liable to the countervailing duty on her return home, would save her nine-pence sterling per barrel on her ashes, or about 140 dol lars on the whole cargo; but as they have each to bring out a cargo of English goods on

- which

which the duties amount to 50,000, as is some- | has been nothing like a violation of the treaty, fines the case, the American ship, as an offset nor any contradiction of its spirit." The to the 140 stivers, the countervail at London, treaty relates exclusively to duties on importapays a less duty here than her competitor, by|tions; it neither mentions nor refers to cxpor5,000 dollars. This observation will substan-tation duties; if it had, it would have been tially apply to Cotton, and the other articles the first time we believe that two nations, ever afterwards mentioned. It would be the same by treaty stipulated with each other that they thing if the first voyage was made from the would or would not lay exportation duties on United States to Great Britain. Really it per- their own goods, wares, or merchandize, plexes us not a little to comprehend the force which, in fact, is neither more nor less than of the Committee's conclusion, that suffering laying a home-tax, and collecting it in the sethe countervail to remain on both these vessels, veral ports, as the most convenient and certain would effectually give the carriage to the British way of getting it in. Besides, as this exportships of all the ashes exported from the United tax relates equally to British as to American States to Great Britain. bottoms going out of Europe, and bears just as hard on the British colonies as on us, we see no propriety in calling it a discrimination. [The arguments advanced by this writer, and the conclusions he has drawn from them, are supported by the following important documents, being memorials to Congress from the Merchants of Philadelphia and New York, against the repeal of the discriminating duties.-Presented Jan. 4, 1803.]

The Committee take leave to refer the House to a table of duties imposed by Great Britain, on goods imported in American and British ships, which was printed the last session of Congress, and is herewith exhibited." We do the same thing, and then ask the Committee to single out an article, if they can, on which the countervail exceeds 10 per cent. on the produce and amount of the several duties of customs due and payable by law on the importation of the like goods and merchandize from the United States in British-built ships or vessels," And if they cannot, all their complaints are utterly groundless.

The Committee next tells us, that "the Parliament of Great Britain, by a statute, bearing date the 7th of May 1802, has imposed new and additional duties on certain articles, the produce or manufacture of the United States," and as this of course raises the countervail, they think proper to say, "adds further to the injury already sustained by American ships carrying such articles." Surely it will hardly be contended that each nation, whenever it deems it expedient, is not at liberty to increase its own revenue, regardless of the rise of the countervail on the other nation. The Committee seem to forget, that since the treaty we also have laid additional duties, and of course have raised the countervail upon them; and therefore, if it is an injury on one side, it is also an injury on the other.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.-The Memorial of the Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce- Respectfully sheweth, That the acts of Congress, eutitled An Act, imposing duties on the tonnage of ships and vessels," and "An Act, making further provision for the debts of the United States," passed in the year 1790, have been attended with the most beneficial consequences to the trade of the United States, by increasing the shipping thereof to an amount sufficient for the carriage of all our productions intended for exportation, and of all foreign articles necessary for our home consumption.

Impressed with a conviction of the necessity of these laws for the protection of our navig tion, your memorialists feel great alarm for the proposition of their repeal, which they are informed is now under the consideration of Congress.

The experience of twelve years has proved their efficacy. The importation of foreign merchandize is secured to our own vessels, and employs a great amount of tonnage; and, although the countervailing duties of Great Bri

ference in the carriage of a few articles from America, yet, so long as the import trade is carried on in our own vessels, we shall retain by far the greatest share of the export trade.

"The Committee take leave further to state, That by the same statute of Great Britain, of the 7th of May last, a duty of one half per cent. is imposed on all goods, wares and merchan-tain may give to the ships of that nation a predize, (of the growth or manufacture of Great Britain) on their exportation to any port in Europe, or within the Straits of Gibraltar, and of one per cent. on similar goods when exported to any place not being in Europe, or within the Straits of Gibraltar, thus subjecting the United States to a duty on exports double that which is paid by the nations of Europe. This discrimination your Committee believe to be in contradiction to the spirit of the treaties existing between the United States and Great Britain."

The repeal of the countervailing duties on the part of Great Britain will not compensate us for allowing them a participation in our im port trade. The duties on most of the articles imported into Great Britain from America are so low, that the addition of ten per cent. will not enable them to enter into competition with vessels enjoying the advantages of the return We have not been able to find the statute freights; but should the acts of 1790 be rehere referred to in this city, but we may, how-pealed, the ships of Great Britain will be perever, observe, that according to the Commit-mitted to bring to the United States the protee's own showing, in Barr phraseology, "here I ducts and manufactures of all countries, whilst

Yyy 2

by

by the operation of their navigation act we shall be restricted in our trade to that nation, to the carriage of goods, the growth or manufacture of our own country only. Nor will a repeal of the act alluded to give to Great Brithin alone the advantages we have mentioned; they will be enjoyed by other nations, whose vessels will be allowed all the privileges of American built ships, without an equivalent on their part.

Your memorialists believe, that laws for the protection of American built vessels, owned by American citizens, are equally advantageous to the agricultural, manufacturing and commercial interests, Plared at a great distance from Europe, we may hope we shall seldom | be involved in the wars which so often afflict that portion of the globe, and our experience for several years past demonstrates the advan tages enjoyed by a neutral nation, possessing the means of exporting its own merchandize in its own vessels.

Believing that a repeal of the laws before mentioned will discourage ship-building, deprive our country of the profas ai present derived from the employment of American vec sels, and again make us dependent on foreign nations for the ex; ortation of the products of our soil, your memorialists pray that the said laws may not be repcaled.

[Presented January 24, 1803.]

stivers to 45 stivers per ton; but if built of live oak and cedar, she will cost at the rate of from 50 stivers to 551. per ton.

2dly, The materials composing equipment, such as iron, hemp, sail cloth, &c. &c. are all cheaper abroad than they are here, and the price of labour for working them is supposed to be 50 per cent. less there than in the United States.

Sdly, Foreigners navigate cheaper. Seamen's wages are lower, and many of their crews consist of apprentices without wages. The apprentice act of Great Britain renders it incumbent on every owner or master of a vessel to take with him a certain number of a preatices, and this they find so advantageous, that they frequently double or treble that number; more especially vessels from the north of Lig land. Every inerchant engaged in commerce knows that the Hollanders, Hamburghers, Danes, Swedes, &c. &c. man their vessels with a still greater proportion of apprentices; and in the cheapness of their living, cloathing, &c. &c. they have a very material advantage over the vessels of the United States.

Thus it appears that foreigners can build cheaper, and sail their vessels cheaper than we can; and it may be added, that Europeas are generally satisfied with a less gain than the Amrican merchant can afford to receive.

Lastly, Although it has been said, that for us to meet the advance on the part of Great ΤΟ THE HON. THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF Britain, and to repeal our countervailing acts, REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES would place the two nations on au equal foot, THE MEMORIAL OF THE CHAMBER OF COM-ing, yet your memorialists couceive, that while

MERCE OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, RE-
SPECTFULLY SHEWS,

That your memorialists view with much alarm the renewal of an attempt to repeal the acts making discrimination between American and foreign duties on imports and tonnage, and pray leave to submit to the consideration of Congress the following objections:

annum.

Great Britain retains her present navigation act, this would be very wide of the truth. We on our part should thus permit Great Britain to bring hither not only goods the growth or manufacture of that country, but of all others, while on her part, by the navigation act we have just referred to, we shall be expressly confined to the carriage of goods, the growth or 1st, It will diminish the revenue to an manufacture of the United States. To this amount, which, taking past years as the guide, may be added, that British vessels would then would not be less than 450,000 dollars per bring a cargo from their own country to this, take a freight here to their colonies, where our vessels are not admitted, and from thence a third freight home, making thus three freights in one voyage. The value of the importation cargoes is so much greater than the value of our exportation dutiable cargoes, that the extra duties paid by the foreigner are, in many cases, equal, and in some cases more than equal, to the whole freight; so that the acts which are now proposed to be abolished, operate nearly as a prohibition to the foreigner, and leave us, in a manner, without competitors in our own market.

2dly, It will essentially injure the commerce of the United States, as its effect will be by upening the market for freight to the lowest bidder, to shift the carrying trade from the hands of our own merchants into those of foreigners, This, your memorialists believe, will appear from the following considerations: 1st, Foreigners build their vessels much cheaper than we can do. From actual calculation, it is found that a vessel, built of European oak, and equal to those built of our live oak, (which besides is nearly exhausted) costs, when equipped for sea, at the rate of 36 stivers 25 cents. per ton; and if built in Finland, of their fir, of which they have abundance, equal in duration to our cominon oak, and fitted for sea in the same manner, she will cost at the rate of 19 stivers per ton; while the American vessels, built of our common oak, and not so well equipped, will cost at the rate of from 40

After all that has been said, it hardly needs to be added, that if our ports are thrown open to foreign, on the same terins with our own, vessels, as by this repeal is contemplated, (for it is in vain to attempt to confine the measure to the British,) they will croud our wharves, underbid our freight, monopolize the markets,

and

COTTON IN AMERICA,

and leave the American vessels idly to rot in oN THE CULTIVATION AND MANUFACTURE OF our docks. Your memorialists have, therefore, no hesitation in declaring, that in their opinion this measure will be a fatal blow to the American carrying trade.

It would be easy to show in the detail that this would in its consequences prove extremely injurious to the agricultural and the mechanical classes of our citizens. A few general observations only will be indulged.

[The following Essay was originally published in the
Philadelphia Aurora. The author clearly points
out the propriety of establishing some branches of
manufacture in the United States, for the con
sumption of part of the staple commodities of the
country. After a comparison of all the different
branches which may be pursued, he gives the
preference to that of Cotton, which, from various
causes, he proves might be carried on with great
advantage to America.]

TO THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERICA.

Enquiries which respect the internal econo

1st, As to the agricultural.-Although, generally speaking, freight is paid by the consumer, and therefore it may be said it is immaterial to the farmer how high or how low it may be, yet this is not the case when the demand ceases or slackens; it then falls back on the husband-my of our country are of a peculiar importance man. But to transfer our carrying trade to foreigners, will be to iessen very much the chance of the demand. The active enterprize of the American merchant is constantly looking abroad to every part of the world for a market, and if it is any where to be found, or if there is only a reasonable presumption that it may be found, the farmer meets with a ready vent for his produce. Perhaps the calculations of the merchant may be disappointed, and he even ruined; yet the misfortune reaches not the farmer, he has the same benefit of a good market. But should the American vessels once disappear, he must then lie entirely at the mercy of chance-adventurers for a market; and when the demand is not very great, the price of the freight will be deducted from the article itself. All this must necessarily tend essentially to lessen the value of the farmer's produce.

2dly, As to the mechanics.-That numerous class of mechanics, who are connected with ship-building, the carpenter, the blacksmith, the sail-maker, the rope-maker, &c. &c. will of course be deprived of employment; their Jabour will neither be wanted nor paid for.

to a nation without transmarine dominions, and which was born and educated under the instructions and regimen of an European parent. It was not 'till after the lapse of fourteen years from the period of separation, that we became united in that system of civil polity (different from every ancient or modern plan) which we enjoy at this time.-It was not till after a longer term that we freed the American mind from the influences of the principles of the ecclesiastical establishments and institutions, which predominate in fact or by law in the three kingdoms, in union with which we commenced our being. The commercial spirit of those kingdoms passed over to us, occasioned our eyes to be long shut to the important truth, that the agricultural interest was the most important in our country. Blinded by the same cause, we did not perceive that we were capable of the useful arts and trades, though necessary and profitable manufactures had grown up among us as spontaneously as the trees of our forests.

America has ever profited by deliberate and calm self-examination,and no disquisitions have To conclude.-Our ships being thus banish-tended more to her honour and prosperity than ed from our shores, we shall no longer furnish those, which have been calculated to produce a nursery for our seamen, but that valuable a conduct grounded on the nature and circumclass of citizens will be driven to seek for their stances of things at home. bread in other countries, and in any future European wars which may happen, and which are constantly liable to happen, we shall find ourselves without seamen or ships to avail our-in more form and with as much zeal as at any selves of that neutral position, which reflection and experience equally warrant us in calculating upon, as one of the blessings allied to our remote and secure situation.

It is now seventeen years since the course of those enquiries led us to enter upon the subject of the MANUFACTURING BRANCHES of trade,

former period. The advancement of the manufactures of the instruments of defence, of paper, books, maps, prints, and other things instrumental to useful knowledge and science, of household fabrics, of the implements of agriculture, navigation, and the useful trades, of every description of furniture and carriages, of sugar, snuff and tobacco, of malt and spirituous liquors, &c. &c. evince the beneficial consequences.

On the whole, your memorialists cannot refrain from expressing the belief with which they are strongly impressed, that to repeal the discriminating laws which have operated so happily to increase our navigation and commerce, would be a measure highly prejudicial to various and important interests in the com- The object of this address is to pursue domunity, detrimental to the revenues of the mestic enquiry-to pursue it in relation to home country, and in a national point of view, ex-manufactures-to pursue it with a view to the tremely impolitic. They therefore pray thas the repeal may not take place.

adoption (perhaps) of a new principle of public conduct. To this end a question is proposed to be respectfully submitied to the federal and state governments.