now eat the crums that fall from your tables. Mad, indeed! This charge is never preferred against the silly ministry who made, and the sickly-brained Parliament who approved of the treaty of Amiens. That imbecility which looked for strength in the credit, capital, and confidence of four hundred miserable jews; that canting enthusiasm which bids us rely on Providence while we were too base to use the means which Providence had placed in our hands; those fits and lucid intervals which one day dictated a remonstrance in favour of the Swiss, and the next day abandoned them to their fate; which one day ordered the retention of the Cape, and the next its surrender. None of these are called madness; no fear, however groundless, no reliance, however absurd, no assertion, however false, inconsistent, and contradictory, nothing is thus stigmatized, unless it leads to war; nothing is madness which does not call for exertion, which does not point to national valour as the only source of national hope. Except this, nothing is excluded. from some share of wisdom: money and manufactures; the nasal twang of a metho distical nose; the extermination of bulldogs; the converting of negroes into saints; Sunday schools for making scholars of those whose business it is to delve; soup-shops for feeding those who are too idle to work and too proud to beg; the abolition of tithes ; thick handkerchiefs for ladies bosoms: each of these, as being the means of national salvation, has its numerous partizans, while, in resistance of France and her half a million of soldiers, to use powder and steel, to call on the people to buckle on their armour, is almost universally regarded as madness!-Such a nation cannot, it will not, and it ought not, to remain independent. It voluntarily bows its neck to the yoke of a foreign power, and that yoke it ought to

"duce has increased 50 per cent. Our im

ports have not increased nearly in an "equal proportion; thus the balance in our "favour is great beyond example. Last year

"

our imports were £1,750,000, less than "the year before, which, added to the ex"cess of the exports, makes an augmentation "of balance in our favour in last year of "£8,550,000." This article has been inserted in all the daily papers, and has not, perhaps, cost the public less than the paragraph inserted in the Morning Post on the 5th instant, comparing the conduct of the opposers of Lord St. Vincent to that of the traitor Despard. Blessed liberty of the press! Blessed i palladium of free men!" Not only does it deceive the people, but makes them pay for the deception!-As to this article on Finance and Trade, however, we cannot much blame the editors of the daily papers for inserting it. The subject is one that they do not understand, and, such is the nature of their publications, they have not time to inquire into the truth of any statement, of this sort, which is sent to them. It arrives at their office at midnight, perhaps, and it is in print before three o'clock in the morning. But, we request the editor of the Oracle to look into the Register of the 23d of April, p. 584, et seq. and that of April 30th, p. 614, where he will find the deception, with regard to British produce and manufactures exported, completely exposed. With respect to the diminution in our im ports, which he seems to have been led to view as a favourable circumstance, what would he say, if he were told that our own West-India and North American produce, our own sugar, cotton, and furs, are included in those imports? This discovery would certainly overset his "balance." But, the truth is, that there has been, during the last year, no other positive diminution in our imports than that which has arisen from the falling off in the importation of corn, meal, and flour, which was brought hither in such great quantities during the preceding year, for the sake of the bounty offered by Parliament.We shall take an early opportunity of going, more at length, into the state of our commerce and navigation. If articles, such as we have here quoted, are inserted from inadvertency, we have said enough to prevent future impositions of the kind, and, if their insertion is paid for, we have not the vanity to hope that any thing we could say would have the least effect on those who insert them; for, of all the sweet moments of a newsmonger's sweet life, the sweetest are those which bring him paid for paragraphs. No matter what it is, so that it comes accom

panied with the guineas. Hence the neverending inconsistencies and contradictions that are seen in all the London papers. The editor, who is generally a man of some talent, would, perhaps, reject articles which militate against his statements of the preceding day; but, in comes the interest of the proprietor, and silences all the remonstrances of sense, reason, and conscience; and, as the editor is not known to the world, his reputation is not at stake, and he has no right to complain. And, yet, it is to publications like these, that the public look for information! It is in publications like these, that they think they find it! It is the continuation of a shameful traffic like this which is styled "the liberty of the pre-s," and which is boasted of as the

birth-right of Britons!" Oh, the inestimable birth-right! the right of being led by the nose, by a set of the meanest and most ignorant creatures that ever existed upon earth; the right of being continually agitated and deceived, and the right of paying for that agitation and deception! Some persons, while they will readily acknowledge the justice of these remarks, will call in question the prudence of making them. Alas! there is nothing to be hoped for from the press, particularly the newspaper press, which always has been, and always will be, as long as it lasts, the curse of the country. No; it must be an influence quite different from this that will save this monarchy, if it be saved at all. The people must act from the dictates of their own minds, and not from the notions they imbibe through this, from this corrupted and all-corrupting and degrading source.

MAIDSTONE OPPOSITION.-The persons coming under this denomination have already taken the ground, on which they mean to oppose the war, which they now regard as unavoidable. The Morning Chronicle of the 9th instant contains their Manifesto, which we are well assured was written by Mr. Fox himself, who is now preparing to pursue precisely that line of conduct, which, several months ago, we said he would pursue.-The Manifesto sets out with asserting, that "necessity, and nothing but necessity, in the strictest sense of "the word, could justify a war with "France; that the war could never be

66

any thing but a war of self-defence, cold, "lifeless, languid defence." It next proceeds, through a far-fetched chain of reasoning, to show, that "France is, and will "remain, invulnerable on the Continent of "Europe, and that it is on the Continent "alone that she can ever be beaten into a "compliance with any thing that shall ren

66

"der a peace with her more secure than "the present." The conclusion, therefore, is, that "if there be a prospect of our enjoying any tolerable security, it is better "than a war, a naval or colonial war, "which can never lead to any decisive vicItory or advantage over France."-But, in order to obtain even this tolerable security, we must have another administration, to be composed, we presume, wholly of those who gave evidence to the character of O'Connor, who said and who swore, that his principles were the same as their own.

66

We deny that the war must necessarily be "nothing but a war of self-defence;" we deny, that it is "on the Continent of Europe alone that France is to be beaten into a peace more secure than the present;" we deny, that she is, and will remain, invul nerable on that Continent;" we deny, that a naval and colonial war can never lead to any decisive advantage over her;" and, of course, we deny all the conclusions drawn from these premises.If, by self-defence, the demagogue means, the defending of our country against final subjugation, our gracious and beloved Sovereign from the fate of Louis XVI. and ourselves from the most abject slavery, then the war, if it takes place, will be a war of self-defence; but, that, in the conducting of this war, we are to do nothing but line our own shores and our coasts, and there wait the arrival of the enemy; if this be his meaning, we trust, that he expresses his own, and not the nation's wishes, for such a war would, most assuredly, be infinitely more fatal than even the continuance of the present peace and of that" tolerable security" which it has brought us. -That the Continent of Europe is, for the far greater part, in the chains of Buonaparté, we'll allow; but, will those chains be weakened, or will they be strengthened by time? Will not every future day of this peace, as every past day of it has done, add new links and new rivets to those chains, and will not a few more years of slavery extinguish not only the hope but the desire of freedom? If France is to be beaten into a peace of security to us, on the continent of Europe only, is it wise to suffer her to extend and consolidate her power on that continent? To the evils produced, in this respect by the treaty of Amiens, is it wise to add the further and greater evils of another disgraceful accommodation? Is it wise to do an act which shall convince every soul upon the continent, that there is no hope left in Great Britain? -How long has it been a fact so very obvious, that no solid advantage is ever to be gained over France, except by the aid of

the continental powers? We remember, that Mr. Fox and his party opposed every subsidy granted to our continental allies; we remember that, for ten long years, they declaimed against all continental connections indiscriminately; and now, behold, when they regard us as completely cut off from those connections, they have the effrontery to assert, that it is from the influence of such connections alone, we can ever bope to obtain a peace more secure than the present !That a war. merely colonial and naval, carried on upon the mean and selfish plan of the last war, would produce no good effect is certain. But, are we compelled to repeat our former errors? Are we compelled so to act, that no foreign nation shall sympathise in our successes; that they shall view us with constant jealousy and envy ; that none of the glorious deeds of our navy shall revive the hopes, shall awaken the dormant spirit of revenge, in the breasts of those who are now crouching under the cruel and impious tyranny of France? Is there any obligation upon us thus to conduct a colonial and naval war; has Providence doomed us so to conduct it? If not, there is hope, great and solid hope, that, by a colonial and naval war, into which the whole spirit and utmost exertion of England, should be thrown, and steadily pointing, through all the reverses of fortune, to a great and definite object, interesting to the world, not only our own lasting security might be provided for, but that the oppressed continent might be once brought into action, and its efforts crowned with ultimate success; while, on the contrary, the "tole"rable" or rather intolerable "security," purchased by the great and numerous sacrifices of the peace of Amiens, and rendered, as it must be, still more intolerable by ano ther miserable accommodation, must inevitably tend to our further dishonour and our final slavery, in spite of the pacific exertions. of Mr. Fox.

MALTESE DEPUTATION. - By referring to the first page of the present sheet, the reader will perceive, that we have now obtained the sequel of the dark history of the conduct of ministers with respect to the deputies and the people of Malta. We, in our last, adduced their negociations at Paris as a proof of their hostility to the tenth article of the disgraceful treaty of Amiens; another proof is now exhibited, in an account, on the correctness of which we place the firmest reliance, of their conduct at the publication of that article in Malta. They "tore it down "from all the places where the government had caused it to be affixed." And, this was the sign they gave of that "satisfaction," which

Mr. Addington declared they felt; of that gratitude," which he declared they entertained towards Great-Britain, for the terms pro-"cured them!!!" (4) There is not to be found, even amongst the transactions of the present ministry, any thing so black, so detestable as this. But the parliamentary charge against the ministers is, that they with-held, when called for, the papers relative to this matter, under the pretext, under the positive assertion, that they possessed no such papers. Lord Temple moved for papers, containing the statutes of the order of St. John of Jerusalem, and such other papers as might shew what were the rights, privileges, and claims of that Order. The answer was, that ministry had no oficial document on the sub"je" (5) and, upon that ground, and that ground alone it was, that the ministers opposed the notion and caused it to be rejected, at a time when they had been four months, at least, in full possession of Number II. of the papers contained in our last sheet, which paper contains the very information which Lord Temple called for. The parliament was thus kept totally in the dark as to Malta. Those who opposed the treaty saw an odd, impracticable arrangement; but they knew not distinctly who was the injured party at Malta, the people or the knights. In ac knowledging the rights of the latter, they perceived, that these rights were violated by the forced intrusion of the Maltese into the Order; but with the rights and claims the merits and wishes of the people of Malta they were totally unacquainted, and so they would have remained, had not the Maltese themselves, by the aid of their friends, made the communication through the press. Never was such an insult offered to any body of legislators, Buonaparte's mutes not excepted. It was not thus that a British parliament was formerly treated; it was not thus that insults were received by those Houses of Commons who brought Clarendon and Danby, and Somers and Portland, and Oxford to the bar of the House of Lords, for advising breaches of national faith, and for concluding treaties destructive of the interests and the honour of England; it was not thus that our forefathers suffered themselves to be trampled on by France for the sake of exalting and enriching the ministers of the day; and we do yet hope, that, when the parliament and the nation shall clearly see into all the conduct of the present selfish ministers, when they shall feel the full weight of all the miseries which the incapacity and wickedness of these men have brought and

(4) See his Speech, Register, Vol. II. p. 1213. (5) See Debates, Register, Vol. II. p. 1259.

is bringing upon them; we do yet hope, that then there will be found spirit enough in the people to demand, and integrity enough in their rulers to execute, such justice upon the offenders as shall convince future ministers, that their responsibility is not an empty sound. Never, since England has been a nation, was there a set of men who could justly be charged with having heaped so much calamity upon the people, so much disgrace upon the English name; and, shall not that injured people demand and obtain justice on them? We have heard more of responsibility within these last eighteen months, than during any ten years before. It has been the constant plea, the standing, the insuperable bar, against all inquiry whatever. And, shall this responsibility, this bond of surety, at last dwindle into a mere name? Shall the nation be harrassed, burdened, disgraced, and insulted, past all enduring, and, shall they be told, after all, that ministerial responsibility "is not worth two pence?" Shall the mere vote of a majority of the last parliament, approving of the Treaty of Amiens be quoted as an act of indemnity and oblivion for those who counselled that destructive compact? Did such a vote save Oxford from the Tower? Did such a vote prevent DarnTey from lying two years in prison, with King Charles's pardon in his pocket? No; and we trust, that such a vote will now be no bar to that justice, which the people have a right to demand, and which we hope they will obtain, through the legal means pointed out by that constitution for which their fathers shed their blood.-His Majesty, too, that gracious Sovereign, who has made somaby sacrifices to the happiness of his people, shall he be deserted by them at this awful crisis? Will that people basely acknowledge that his servants have no responsibility, and thereby render them his master, thereby create and submit to the worst and most odious of all despotisms, that of a subject reigning, in the name of the king, over both king and people? -In order to come at something like fixed notions on a subject, which we hope will ere long, occupy the attention of the country, we propose, in a future sheet, to enquire, 1. Into the nature and maxims of that responsibility, which is attached to a British ministry; 2. Whether the conduct of the present ministers be not, when compared with precedent cases, a subject that calls loudly for enquiry; 3. What are the prominent and specific acts that they justly stand charged with, and what resemblance they bear to those acts of former ministers,

-

who have been impeached by the House of Commons; 4. Whether the interference of parliament, in this respect, be not, at the pre sent time, peculiarly necessary to the cherishing and preserving of that confidence which the people ever ought to repose in their Sovereign and his government.-We could have wished to see this important enquiry in abler hands; but we shall not, by that consideration, be deterred from the discharge of our duty. We have often, heretofore, led the way, as pioneers in enterprizes finally crowned with success; and, however mighty the present task, when contrasted with the feebleness of our powers, we cannot help recollecting and repeating, that the lion was once released from his toils by the patient nibblings of the mouse.

THE NEGOTIATION.-Before what we are now

writing will make its appearance before the pub lic, the negotiation with France will, probably, be brought to a close. Near, however, as we have touched the verge of war, it will, to us, be someof them, do not recede far enough from their de thing very surprizing, if one of the parties, or both mands to produce an accommodation. Buonaparté cannot wish for war yet; he can never wish for war, while he can sport with our funds as he has done for six months past. A war will, too, drive all the rich and base English out of his country, and, they spend there at the rate of £3,000,000 per annum, which, together with what the French drain out through the channel of the funds, is a source of riches not to be despised, particularly when it is considered, that what is gained by France is lost by the nation, whose public credit she wishes to destroy.-Buonaparte's preparations

are by no means made. He wanted Louisiana in his hands; St. Domingo well settled and arranged; risons; the Cape and Cochin in the same state; Martinico and Guadaloupe with numerous garhis intrigues with the Princes of India wanted ris pening; also his intrigues in Turkey; and the sur render of Malta, on our part, was a principal ob ject with him. Nor has he got things in Ireland so far advanced as they would have been, and, if another year, during which, too, all his means of there is not war, as they will be, in the course of invasion would be fully prepared.—Situated as he is, therefore, he will feel a strong disposition to keep us in the miserable state, into which we were plunged by the treaty of Amiens, and under the sway of a ministry who seem to have been made to his hands, and whom he ought to make almost any sacrifice to preserve in their places, which nothing is so likely to do as a continuation of the name of peace. For these reasons, though we are at this moment (Friday morning) told, that Lord Whitworth is arrived at Dover, we still think that another disgraceful accommodation will take place.

ERRATA in our last.-p. 676. 1. 34, tead membrum Regia Coronæ.-p. 687. l. 15 for 6,500– read 6,500,000.

Several Correspondents are requested to excuse us this week. They shall be punctually attended to in our next.

LONDON

737]

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD AUCKLAND.

MY LORD,-In times like the present, the public conduct of every man, be he high or low, ought to be strictly canvassed, in order that the people may know on whom they can safely place confidence; in order that they may be able to distinguish the true friends of their sovereign and their country from those who make use of the affectation of such friendship as a mask to disguise views which are directed solely to their own interest and ambition. Upon this principle, my lord, without pretending to say which of these classes your lordship belongs to, I am about to compare your support of the peace of Amiens with your former opinions and professions on the subject of peace with Frances

Your lordship can scarcely have forgot ten, that, in the year 1795, you wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled, "Some Re"marks on the apparent Circumstances of the "War in the fourth week of October, 1795," the object of which pamphlet was to clear the road for negotiations with France, and to point out the terms which ought to form the basis of a peace between his Majesty and the king-killing Directors who then governed the Republic.-The relative situation of the two powers is the first object of consideration. I shall now quote your description of that situation, begging your lordship to ask yourself, as you proceed, whether, at the time when the fatal peace of Amiens was concluded, we were not in a much better state, than that which you here describe." I am content "to argue, even on the hypothesis, that "our allies in the war are either conquer"ed, or worn out, or withdrawn, or so "circumstanced, that they afford no rea"sonable hope of farther aid or concur"rence; that all prospect of success on "the eastern or northern frontiers of France "is lost; that our continental exertions "(and expenses) are or ought to be suspended; and that the several European powers will either make a forced peace, "maintain an interested neutrality, or pursue iɛefficient hostilities, according : VOL. III.

1738

"to their necessities, speculations, and fa"culties. On the other hand I assume, "that England possesses a great naval "superiority. I will further suppose, that "the French leaders are disposed to treat "for peace. In this predicament, feeling "the pressure of the public expense; feel"ing that the country is desirous of peace; "and considering the high price of the "recessaries of life, to the general scarcity "of which the war certainly contributes,

though in a much less degree than is "commonly supposed; knowing also that "there are certain bounds, beyond which our resources cannot be forced without danger; I ask myself whether it is expe"dient to treat for peace, and on what

general outline and stipulations it might "be expedient to conclude a peace."Now, my lord, as to the Continent, you here suppose our situation to be full as bad as it was in October, 1801; while, on the other hand, you had not to balance against it, the possession of the Dutch colonies in the East and West-Indies and South America, of Elba, of Malta, of the Cape of Good Hope, to which may be added the effects of the victories of Lords Duncan and Nelson, and of the brilliant Egyptian campaign. With respect to our domestic concerns, you allow the people to be desirous of peace: they were much less so in 1801. You allow of the high price and great scarcity of the necessaries of life: in October, 1801, all alarm on that head was at an end; the most abundant harvest ever known had just been housed without the least injury from the weather, and the price of provisions, of every sort, was rapidly on the decline. You felt the pressure of the public expense, and perceived, that there were certain bounds, beyond which our resources could not be forced without danger the makers of the peace have constantly rejected, with disdain, the plea of pecuniary necessity: Mr. Addington and Mr. Pitt have both explicitly declared, that, in October, 1801, we were "far, very har indeed, from the end of our resources," and to support this assertion has been the prinBb