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fair investigation before the sanction of the House was given to the measure proposed by the Rt. Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

General GASCOIGNE said, notwithstanding what the Rt. Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had said, in answer to his observations, he was surprised that the present measure was proposed to the House, before some account relative to the state of the country had been given, in order to satisfy the public mind. It had been said, that schedules have been circulated throughout the kingdom, but he had only seen one, which had undergone many alterations; and he had been informed by his constituents that they had not received a single schedule. He must again repeat, that he understood the Rt. Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer to have said, that he hoped to give the House a satisfactory account relative to the state of the country; and he was sure that many Hon. Gent. had received the same impression, from the language the Rt. Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had used a few days back. But as far as related to the consideration of the present measure, he thought it would be better to postpone the time for going into a committee on the bill to this day fortnight.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that the question now before the committee was, whether they would agree with the resolution which was proposed; and the period when the committee was to sit again, could only be determined after the Speaker had taken the Chair. If the Hon. Gent. would assure him bona fide (and he was sure he would not assert it in any other way), that the addition of a few days would enable. his constituents more fully to investigate the subject, he would not be unwilling to accede to a delay of a few days. The Hon. Gent. seemed to suppose that he was desirous of precipitating the public business, with a view of a speedy prorogation of Parliament; but he could assure that Hon. Gent. that there was public business enough before the House to afford a prospect of its sitting as long as he could wish.

General GASCOIGNE said, his constituents had certainly not seen the schedules, and he thought it was necessary that they should have time enough to consider the nature of the schedules, after they get possession of them.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he begged the Hon. Gent. and the House to understand, that he had in no degree varied on this occasion from what he had said upon a former day, respecting a communication to the House. The schedule of the duties had been made and circulated three months ago, but some alterations having been made in it, it was reprinted, and the last schedule had

been in circulation above a month. If the Hon. Gent.'s constituents had not seen it, it was not the fault of his Majesty's Ministers: he would not take upon himself to say with whom the fault rested. With regard to what the Hon. Gent. had said about the duties being raised in some instances higher than to the next integral sum, the committee must be aware that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) could have no intention of deceiving them upon the subject, because the whole subject was minutely detailed in the schedule. In some few instances the duties were raised higher than to the next integral sum, and in other instances they were reduced much lower; but in general the whole plan was founded upon the principle adopted in 1787.

Mr. VANSITTART said, there were only four instances in which the present schedule varied from the one which was printed and circulated three months ago. The four articles in which alterations had been made, were pimento, sugar from the East Indies, unmanufactured articles, and horses imported from the East Indies.

The resolution was agreed to, the Chairman reported progress, and the committee was ordered to sit again on Monday se'nnight.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, April 22.-(See Minutes, p. 671.)

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[ILCHESTER ELECTION.] Mr. SMITH moved the order of the day for taking into further consideration the Report of the committee appointed to try the merits of the Ilchester election petition. This motion being agreed to, Mr. Smith next moved that the resolutions be now read a second time; which being done, the Hon. Gent. proceeded to observe, that in compliance with the instructions of the committee, he had laid before the House the evidence that was brought forward in the committee: that evidence contained parts which proved that a conspiracy had been formed to employ undue influence in return ing members for the borough of Ilchester, and that flagrant acts of bribery had been resorted to in consequence of that conspiracy. On the nature of the offence which the evidence proved to be committed, he should withhold all observation: when it appeared fully proved to the House, they would no doubt shew the sense they entertained of its deep criminality by the severity of the punishment which their justice would inflict upon it. The evidence had been long before the House, and every Gent. had full time to make himself master of it. They were, therefore, enabled now to decide on the question, and that with due regard to that justice which individuals had a right to claim in a matter in which the-effential interests of the country were also involved.

He should first move a resolution similar to that contained in the Report, viz. that such a system of corruption and of bribery was laid open in this transaction, that it called for the most serious consideration of the House. This motion he should follow up with others, the object of one of which would be, that the House do order his Majesty's Attorney General to prosecute the persons who were guilty of this offence.

Mr. WALLACE said, that as the Hon. Mover had opened a string of resolutions, he thought it was competent for him to direct his observations to any of them. It did not appear to him that the House could proceed to instruct the Attorney General to prosecute any individual, or set of individuals, until the grounds for issuing such instructions were fully substantiated. Besides, no opportunity had been given to Mr. Davison to make any answer to the charge that was brought against him. Would the House act like a Grand Jury, and find a bill on ex parte evidence? The only evidence against him was that of an accomplice, and upon the evidence of an accomplice the House surely would not act, unless it was confirmed by other evidence. The Hon. Gent. then entered into a variety of strictures on the character and conduct of Mr. Oldfield, and endeavoured to shew how little stress should be laid upon it. The acts of bribery | were committed in April, but Mr. Davison was known to declare in the preceding March, that he had relinquished all idea of becoming a candidate for the borough. He would not, indeed, deny, that there were proofs that Mr. Davison intended to bribe and corrupt the voters; but no proof whatever went to shew that he attempted to carry that intention into execution in any one instance.

Mr. BURDON Contended that the evidence before the House was of the most clear and distinct nature, and he was sorry that the arguments that were urged seemed entirely directed to cover an individual. As to the first resolution, he could not see why it should be negatived; for that might be agreed to without convicting Mr. Davison, whose conduct should not be coupled with that of the other persons against whom the evidence was so direct. He made no doubt but they might be convicted on the evidence; but when the resolution was put, he hoped that the name of Mr. Davison might be expunged.

Mr. JOHNSTONE said, that he had paid the most strict and diligent attention to every part of the evidence, and, from the impression it left upon his mind, he could not but think that it clearly affected Mr. Davison. Mr. Da vison concurred in all the suggestions started by Oldfield; and though the whole plan might not have been carried into execution, yet there was scarcely any change made in it, except as

to the mode of more effectually distributing the money; nor had he a doubt but Mr. Davison concurred even in that alteration of the plan. How the committee could have discharged their duty, unless they put Mr. Davison on his trial, he was at a loss to see. So much at least he felt himself bound in conscience to say as a member of the committee.

On the resolution being put, that the Attorney General be instructed to prosecute Alexander Davison, for the acts alluded to in the former resolution,

Lord COLE said, that it appeared from the evidence that Mr. Davison had attempted to corrupt other boroughs; that, indeed, he had acted as a contractor for boroughs. If he was not to be prosecuted, neither should any of the other persons implicated in the offence, for he could not well see any difference between conspiring to bribe and corrupt, and carrying the intention and plan into execution.

Mr. SHERIDAN could not see that there was any proof of the strong nature alluded to, which went to implicate Mr. Davison. If such a case, indeed, could be made out, no doubt the sentence of the House must fall upon it with all possible severity. Some Gentlemen were much inclined to believe the evidence of Oldfield; but why should they hesitate to believe the declaration of Mr. Davison? Was it consonant to the law of England to convict of an intention? Was it not facts that the law took cognizance of? He must admit, indeed, that Mr. Davison had betrayed an intention to bribe; but no one circumstance appeared to prove that he followed up the plan ascribed to him. On the contrary, there were strong presumptions that a different plan from that imputed to Mr. Davison was adopted. The plan that was adoped failed, even in a great measure from want of money, a difficulty which it could not be supposed that Mr. Davison laboured under. Mr. Davi❤ son abandoned the plan altogether; and if the matter was more minutely examined into, it would appear, as indeed it did appear, from the evidence of Mr. Hopping, that the election was carried on neither on the plan, the money, or for the candidates of Mr. Davison. Neither was there any attempt to prove that the land or the houses, upon which so much stress was laid, were now the property of Mr. Davison. If he has been guilty of corruption for electioneering purposes, he sincerely wished that Mr. Davison's case was a singular one. But before the House proceeded to convict him of that guilt, he trusted no Gent. would give a vote upon the question who had not minutely attended to the evidence.

Mr. VANSITTART said, that whether the evidence was allowed or not directly to attach on Mr. Davisen, he would not pronounce;

yet more than sufficient appeared to involve him in the guilt. It was pretty evident that, subsequent to his declaration, steps had been taken by him to execute the proposed plan. Three days before the election the candidates were not known, yet by those unknown candidates money had been distributed; and from whom did it come but from Mr. Davison? It was said that Mr. Davison had no opportu. nity to exculpate himself. Did not the evidence contained in the Report go forth with perfect notoriety? Why, then, did not Mr. Davison get a petition presented to the House, if he was conscious of being able to produce evidence in his exculpation that would overpower that which was adduced to criminate him? Much was wanted to give strength and weight to what has been urged in his favour.

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that no direct opposition should be given to the opinion of the committee, and as the most: becoming way to get rid of the subject, the Hon. Member concluded with moving the previous question.

Mr. Fox expreffed his concurrence with most of the arguments advanced by the Learned Member who had last addressed the House, and owned, that nothing appeared to him more correct than the motion he had submitted, for when the House did not approve of a proposition, or did not wish to go immediately, into it, nothing was more proper than to move the previous question, which did not preclude the subsequent discussion of the same subject, if any Member should think it necessary to bring it forward. It left the case quite open for any future proceeding that justice might call for.

Mr. BRAGGE had no objection to the motion for the previous question, provided it was understood that it should not preclude the House from taking any proceeding which the nature of the case might hereafter call for, in pursuance of its own resolution, which could not consistently be abandoned. He was not unwilling to wait the result of the actions, which were said to be pending against Mr. Davison, but those actions might be collu sory; and suppose he were acquitted upon. them, would it be becoming the importanee of the House to be controlled by such discus sions, or implicitly to abide by them? On the part of the House he protested against such an idea.

The MASTER of the ROLLS deprecated the interference of the House in the manner proposed. It did not appear to him becoming its dignity or justice to concern itself in the affair of an individual in such a way as might operate to bias the minds of a jury, by prejudging a case which was to be made the subject of legal investigation. If the House should so proceed, it might happen that two prosecutions would come before the courts for the same offence; for the Attorney General had no control over the popular informer, who was, by the statute of George II. enabled to bring forward a prosecution for bribery, and by whom he understood that actions were already commenced against Mr. Davison for penalties to the amount of 48,000l. This circumstance, he conceived, ought to serve as a strong inducement to the House to decline the mode of proceeding recommended by the Mr. GREY was surprised that any Member, motion of his Rt. Ho.. Friend; but, inde- at all acquainted with the rules and practice pendently of this consideration, he thought, of the House, could consider any express upon the ground of prejudging the question, the derstanding necessary to know that the adopmotion ought to be rejected. It was noto- tion of the previous question was nothing. rious, that the courts were so tenacious that more than a postponement of the debate, and no improper prepossession should be made on did not by any means preclude the House any case submitted to their deliberation, that from subsequently taking any step in the same any thing designed for that purpose was pro- question they might think expedient. With hibited; it was known that they had taken respect to the measure recommended by the notice of even handbills, and statements sup-committee, it did not seem to him calculated posed to have that tendency, lest they should to meet the mischief of which they complained. have any influence on a jury: and what, he That the most flagrant corruption prevailed would ask, could have such important influ- in the election of Jlchester, to which the Reence on the minds of any jury, as the opinion port referred, was a fact that could not be of the House of Commons? There was, he denied; but it would not materially avail to was confident, no instance upon the Journals prosecute the agent of corruption, while those similar to that now proposed, of the Attorney who were willing, or rather anxious to be corGeneral being directed to prosecute for an of- rupted, remained untouched, and retained the fence which was already under prosecution power of vitiating the freedom of election. before the courts. The objections he enter- The committee, in his opinion, would have tained, he wished it to be understood, applied acted more wisely had they proposed a remedy equally to the proposed prosecution for con-with respect to this borough, such as was spiracy as to that for bribery. Indeed, it did not appear to him that the evidence would be sufficient to sustain the charge, for no proof was given of any act done in pursuance of the conversation at West Camel. In order

adopted in the case of Cricklade, when the right of voting was extended; or that of Shoreham, where the voters who had accepted bribes were disfranchized. He hoped, however, the House would not lightly pass over

this business, nor suffer their resolution to be nugatory. It was a case of that nature which ought not to be winked at, or allowed to escape in silence.

Mr. SMITH stated, that the committee were quite ignorant that any actions were commenced against Mr. Davison, as his Rt. Hon. Friend had stated.

The MASTER of the ROLLS observed, that he was informed of the actions having actually commenced.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER COincided in the observations of the Hon. Gent. (Mr. Grey), that this was a question which called for the fullest investigation. The House unquestionably stood committed, and it would be disgraceful to abandon the resolution recorded in the Journals. Not having read the minutes of the committee, he could not now pronounce any opinion upon the proceedings which it might be advisable to adopt; but he thought it right that the House should appoint some future day to take the subject into consideration, otherwise it might be supposed without doors that it was altogether dismissed, and that the House declined to follow up its own resolution. He therefore moved that this Report be taken into farther consideration on Monday fortnight.-Ordered accordingly.

subject, he should be obliged to refer to a species of information which he was sorry to be obliged to refer to, viz. the French papers. Considering the ignorance in which the public had been for some time kept, upon what was going forward, Gentlemen must either be con tent to know nothing, or to have recourse to the French papers for the official documents which they contained. The reason why he wished the production of the orders which had been sent out relative to the Cape of Good Hope was, that the House should really know what the fact was. He had heard, that at different times different orders had been sent out: at one time it was determined to give it up, and at another it was to be kept, without any reason whatever being assigned for it. After the signature of the treaty of peace, orders were sent out to deliver up the Cape; afterwards, in the month of October last, when there was a considerable ferment in consequence of the invasion of Switzerland by France, orders were sent out that the Cape should not be given up. He did not know these circumstances from any official account published by his Majesty's Ministers, but from the accounts published in the French papers. In point of fact we did not keep the Cape; it was a kind of recapture, and there was a regular capitulation. He was anxious that the country should be acquainted with all the facts upon this subject, because it proved such a wavering in the councils of this country, that the House had a right to full information upon the subject. There was another reason why he wished for the production of the orders which had been sent out, and the dispatches Thursday, April 28.-(See Minutes, p. 810.) which had been received, and that was, to [CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.]-Lord FOLKE- have an opportunity of comparing dates. He STONE rose, pursuant to the notice he had wanted to compare the date of the dispatches given, to move for certain papers, with a view which informed Ministers of the detention of of obtaining information respecting the events the Cape, with the date of his Majesty's mes that have occurred at the Cape of Good Hope. sage to that House, because he did believe He wished, before he made the motion, to that those dispatches conduced to the mes observe, that he had no desire, by this motion, sage, and the consequent armament. to interfere with the negotiations which were King's message was delivered on the 8th of now carrying on between the Government of March, stating that discussions were pending this country and France; nor had he any wish between this country and France, and that to call for any information which, under the armaments were preparing in the ports of present circumstances, his Majesty's Ministers France and Holland. The French official pamight think it improper to give; though, per denied that any discussions were pending, perhaps, it might not be improper if the and indeed he did not see what discussions House were to call for such information, with could be going on except with regard to the a view of rescuing the business out of the Cape. As to the armaments in the French weak hands in which it was now placed. But ports, they were nothing more than had been as it was not his wish to urge on a discussion carrying on for some time. But it was geneupon the general subject of the negotiation, rally supposed that the discussions were relaif his Majesty's Ministers would say that the tive to the island of Malta. Upon this point production of the papers he now called for he wished to observe, that in the exposé of the would in any degee interfere with the nego- French government, in which they gave an tiation that was pending, he would imme- account of the situation of the country, it diately withdraw his motion, and drop it alto- was stated that the English still retained pos gether. If, however, this assurance was not session of Alexandria and Malta, but that the given, he would persist in the motion. There ships which were to convey home the garri was another thing which he wished to pre-sons of those places, had arrived in the Memise, and that was, that in discussing this diterranean. In the correspondence between

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The

Sir A. Ball and Mons. Bussy, it was contended by the latter, that the English had, as long ago as the month of June last, consented that the Grand Master should be elected by the Pope, which had been done; and that as to the guarantee of the great powers of Europe, they were to be solicited to guaranty the independence of the island, but that such a guarantee was not absolutely necessary. He did not state this as his opinion upon this question, because this was not the proper time to enter into it, though he had formed a decided opinion upon it. He did not urge this with a view to extract information from Ministers, but to shew that the discussion could not be about Malta, and consequently to strengthen his argument for the production of the papers relative to the Cape of Good Hope. He again repeated, that if Ministers would state, that any public inconvenience would arise from the production of the information he required, he would not press his motion; but if they did not state that, he should move, "That there be laid before this "House a copy, or copies, of all orders sent "to the Cape of Good Hope, respecting the "surrender of that colony, since the signature "of the treaty of peace with the French re"public: together with a copy, or copies, of "all dispatches relative to the surrender or "detention of that colony, as received by "the commanders of British forces by land "or sea there, and the times when they were "received from his Majesty's Ministers-Also an account of all discussion, if any, which "has taken place between his Majesty's Mi"nisters and the French government, respect"ing that colony, since the signature of the "treaty, previous to the last order sent out "for the surrender of the same."

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on must be about the Cape; and lastly, he moved for an account of the scussions which were going on respecting the Cape. He was therefore, he thought, justified in stating, that there was a considerable degree of inconsistency between the professions and the speech of the Noble Lord. But surely if the Noble Lord had been aware of the general acceptation of the notice which had been given by an Hon. Member (Col. Patten), which embraced every object of public concern, he would have abstained from any specific motion. He really had entertained a hope that, under the present circumstances, such motions as the present would not have been made. He was by no means disposed to deny that the subject to which the Noble Lord's motion referred, was one upon which the House had a right to expect information and explanation. It was one upon which his Majesty's Ministers were anxious to give information, when it could be done without prejudice to the public service. With this view of the subject, he could not consent to negative the motion on the other hand, he could not accede to it, because it would require explanations that could not be given under the present circumstances, without inconvenience to the public service. He should therefore move the order of the day, or the previous question: he was inclined to prefer the former, because he could not approve of the form of the motion-he should therefore move the order of the day, declaring again, that there was no inclination on the part of his Majesty's Ministers to keep back any information that could throw any light upon the subject, when that information could be properly given. With regard to the form of the motion, he suggested to the Noble Lord whether it would not be better to put it into the form of an address to his Majesty.

Lord FOLKESTONE said, if it was more consistent with the forms of the House, he had no objection to move it in the shape of an address.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, the Noble Lord must forgive him if he observed, that there was a strange inconsistency between his declaration at the commencement of his speech, and the arguments which he had used in the course of it. The Noble Lord stated at the beginning of his speech, that he did not wish to bring forward in his Mr. WINDHAM said, he merely rose to remotion the general points which might be sup- mark, in answer to what had fallen from posed to be in discussion at present between the Rt. Hon. Gent. who had censured his Nothis country and France, more especially as ble Friend for some supposed inconsistency in an Hon. Gent. had given notice of a motion his speech, that there appeared to him no which would embrace the whole subject. ground for such a charge. His Noble Friend After making this declaration, the Noble Lord did not say, that he would not press his mobestowed a considerable part of his speech to tion if it had any connexion with the discusprove that the only subject in dispute between sion going on between this country and this country and France must be the Cape of France; he had merely said, that he would Good Hope; and in the concluding part of not press for the disclosure of any informahis motion, he desired to know what were tion that might be prejudicial to the public the discussions going on between this country interest. He was therefore at liberty to conand France relative to the Cape; so that thejecture what were the points now in negotiaNoble Lord first declared that he did not tion. With regard to the notice which had want to extract information respecting the been given by an Hon. Member, he did not discussions now going on: then he endea- consider that as any argument against his Novoured to prove that the only discussion going ble Friend's motion; on the contrary, if the VOL. III.

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