posed the committee. The House, however, the ground on which the committee had formed would so far give credit to the Report in the their opinion. Was it not therefore fit, after first instance, as to say that no new election an inquiry had been carried on by the comshould take place until this matter be consi-mittee, that the same inquiry should be cardered; for it appeared on the face of the Re- ried on by the House in examining the mateport which had been read to the House, that rials on which the committee had formed its the freedom of election had been grossly vio- opinion, a committee composed of Hon. Memlated by a systematic tumult, which was as bers of that House, sworn to do their duty disgraceful as bribery and corruption. The faithfully and impartially, and who had told House would so far confide in the committee the House by their Report that which was of as to believe they would not have reported these the highest importance to the community, and serious matters without foundation; and if the the security of the constitution, namely, that House gave that confidence to the committee, freedom of election could not be had at Notthe case would need no further argument. tingham without the interference of Parliament. He would ask, was it or was it not fit to give credit to the committee who had examined this matter, until the House should have an opportunity of considering the ground on which their recommendation was founded? He did not consider himself pledged to follow up their resolution; he should suspend his opinion upon the subject, until after he should have read the Report; but in the mean time he should asquiesce in the opinion expressed by the committee: he should have time to consider the grounds on which that opinion was founded. Mr. Fox said he did not mean to refuse every confidence to the committee of which the Hon. Gent. had been speaking, any more than he should to any other; but he wished to know the subject on which he was to confide before he gave that confidence: at present he had no such knowledge. This was a measure similar to a proceeding against an individual for crimes; for depriving the electors of the town of Nottingham of the exercise of the right of election, was in the nature of a punishment, a course which he was not now going to debate; he only thought that the House ought to take a little time to consider before it adopted it. He did not want time to consider whether any confidence was due to the committee, that he was ready to repose; but he wanted time to consider what the committee had reported. Mr. W. DUNDAS said he did not see how the House could refuse that sort of credit to the Report of this committee which this motion only required, for the motion was almost of course, if the Report of the committee was a proper one. The Report stated, among other things, that there was no reasonable ground to hope for a peaceable election in the town of Nottingham, unless some measures be taken, which in the present state of things in that town cannot be taken: now if that was the opinion of a committee which had been for so many days carefully examining the matter, what reason was there for doubting that such will be the opinion of the House when they come to peruse the labours of that committee upon that subject; and if such was likely to be the ultimate opinion of the House, would it not be extremely improper to proceed to a new election at this place before this matter was seriously considered? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he was led to concur in the proposition now before the House, on the ground stated by the Hon. Gent. who spoke last. The committee, whose Report the House had heard read, had declared that a legislative provision will be necessary to secure the freedom of election for the town of Nottingham. The House would not adopt any legislative provision, except on The question was then put and carried, [SIR THOMAS TROUBRIDGE.]Captain MARKHAM said he was under the disagreeable necessity of obtruding upon the House on a subject of a very delicate nature. When the character of an individual belonging to the House was attacked, he thought it was absolutely necessary that some investigation or inquiry should take place into the circumstances, so that either the honour of the individual should be cleared, or, if he had been guilty of what had been imputed to him, that the stigma might fairly rest upon his character. He was very sorry he was under the necessity of taking this course, particularly as the Hon. Gent. to whom he alluded was a friend of his; but as he was also high in general estimation, and at the Board to which he belonged, he thought it the more necessary to bring this matter forward. It was now some days since an Hon. Gent. now in the House, stated that some improper transactions had taken place on the Stock Exchange. He did not mean to say that he alluded to any one person in particular, he only meant to say that it seemed to have a reference to some part of his Majesty's government. He did not mean to state particular words; but since the statement he alluded to was made in the House, a number of reports had been circulated to the prejudice of his Hon. Friend: he meant Sir Thomas Troubridge, of whom he might speak since he was not present. Upon the statement to which he had already referred, a letter appeared in the newspapers from an agent. He wished to state, as nearly as he could, what the nature of the transaction was. It was this: in the month of June or July last, Sir The mas Troubridge wishing to purchase an estate, and having fixed on the place, the name of which he believed was Chitham, in Sussex, he entered into a treaty for that estate, and in consequence of it was very near becoming the purchaser; to complete which purchase he sold out his stock, to the amount of 2000l. or 3000l. more or less. The person who lived on the estate and rented it, had laid out a great deal of money upon it, and from attachment to it, or from pride, or some other motive, chose to give a great deal more money for the estate than Sir T. had agrced to give; so that Sir T. had not the estate, and therefore he replaced the money again immediately in the funds. He still wished to lay out this money on the first opportunity in the purchase of an estate, and with that view he gave general orders to his agent, that he should, on the very first depreciation of the funds, sell out for him, in order that when he wanted the use of his money, he might not be obliged to relinquish his object, or sell out at a great disadvantage. This agent, so directed, found some deprecia tion of the funds on the Saturday; on the Monday there was a greater depreciation, and then the agent, without communicating with Sir T. sold this money out of the funds for Sir T.; and he now begged leave to read to the House an affidavit, stating, that Wm. E. Cook, an agent for Sir T. had, for several weeks past, had particular instructions to sell out stock for Sir T. Troubridge, when it might appear to him to be prudent to do so: that he did sell out for Sir T. when he so judged; and that Sir T. did not know of that sale of stock until he, the agent, had reported it to Sir T.; and that he always had power to sell out for him without further communication. Now, Captain Markham said, he did not know how any man was to act, if this was to subject Sir T. Troubridge to any suspicion. How was Sir T. to act with his agent? He gave directions to sell out, when, in the opinion of the agent, stock was likely to fall; and that agent sells out. Now, if Sir T. wished to have made any advantage of his official situation, he would not have done this, for he had money besides this in the stocks, besides that of which he is trustee for his children, over which he has the entire control, and he would not have confined himself to the sale of the stock that happened to be thus sold out by the agent; but none of the stock he had just mentioned had been sold, neither did the agent, Mr. Cook, know of what was going forward, for he had of his own 300cl. worth of stock, and which, if he had been let into the secret, he would have sold out. Under these impressions, Captain Markham said, and feeling, as he did, for the honour and long and valuable services of his Hon. Colleague, Sir Thomas Trowbridge, it was impossible that he could remain quiet while any imputation rested on such a character. He believed every man in that House knew the character of Sir T. as an Hon. Member, and every man in the service knew him as a gallant meritorious officer, and a man of honour: he felt so much for his honour and integrity, for the unsullied purity of his mind, that he declared upon his honour, and he would utter it if he was going to stand before his Creator at this moment, that he believed Sir T. was absolutely spotless with regard to the reference which had been supposed to have been made to him, and of his having made use of his official situation to avail himself of the sale of property in the funds. Under this impression, there was but one thing he could desire the House to do for the satisfaction of Sir T. and that was, to go into a full and minute investigation of this matter. He hoped that an investigation best adapted for that purpose would immediately take effect, and therefore he should move, That a committee be appointed to inquire into this matter. Mr. DENT declared that any allusion which he made in the House on this subject was not in the least degree to Capt. Troubridge. The allusion he made was as general as possible, and he believed as generally taken as it was made. That very considerable sums of money had been sold out of the funds previous to the event of the King's message being publicly announced, was beyond doubt; and when he took notice of it in the House, he took care to acquit the Rt. Hon. Gent. (Mr. Addington) of being a party to it, for he believed him to be as immaculate as his predecessor. The statement he made was on this ground: that having given credit to Administration for the time it was known, and having considered when it was made known to the Lord Mayor in the city, it did appear somewhat unfortunate that it should have got before that time to the knowledge of some other persons in the city, not within the knowledge of any one in administration; but something of that sort had got out, from what quarter he did not know; he did not insinuate that it came from any individual in govern ment, but that something was known in the city no one would deny. He made no accu sation on any man, he only made a general allusion: every man knew it as well as he did; that he mentioned it as a report, and nothing else; but upon his honour he never meant to insinuate any thing against the character of Sir T. Troubridge, for whom, from the ac count of others, without being known to him, he had the greatest esteem. He lamented that any affidavit had been made upon this occasion on behalf of Sir T. because he considered his character above all suspicion. He begged par don of the House for stating so much; he could have wished that his Majesty's government had sent down to the Lord Mayor at nine o'clock in the morning of that day that press-warrants were to be issued; all inconve nience would then have been avoided; for he verily believed that nothing of this kind would have happened. and inconsiderately made: Ministers had secrets to preserve, and he hoped they would preserve them when it was proper they should do so. They had secrets to preserve at the time of the signature of the late preliminaries of peace; nothing transpired previous to that event; but after it happened, there was no unnecessary delay in the communication of it. But they did not imagine they would have been accused of making an indiscreet disclosure on this occasion. The very preparation had the effect of which the Hon. Gent. spoke, for that was a matter which could not be known exclusively to Government; many merchants in the city might have known, and he had no doubt many merchants did know, of these preparations; so that this was not matter confined to persons in an official situation. The Hon. Gent. mentioned the circumstance of information to the Lord Mayor at nine o'clock in the morning. Upon this it naturally occurred to observe, there was no magic in any communication to the Lord Mayor of London: no individuals could have been prevented by this from speculation. The fact was, that a diametrically opposite conduct was observed, until the time came when it became necessary to apply to the Chief Magistrate of the city of London to back press-warrants, and then it could be no longer concealed; and this was not known until the Stock Exchange business was over, and he had left the House: it was the determination of himself, and ail the Ministers of his Majesty's government, not to disclose any thing upon this subject until the last moment. He begged pardon of the House for saying so much on this occasion, but he thought what he was anxious upon was accomplished, for the character of Sir T. he maintained, was perfectly clear and spotless. And he called on the Hon. Gent. or any man in or out of that House, to do their duty, for it was their duty to state, if they knew the name of any one individual connected with Government, who had been guilty of such a breach of trust as that of turning to his own personal advantage, against the public, any knowledge which his official situation gave him. He meant this not only as applicable to every Member of Government, but to every individual in the remotest degree connected with it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he knew the irregularity of getting into a conversation of this sort, but he hoped it would be excused by the House on account of its extraordinary nature. The Hon. Gent. had said truly, that what he had said on a former night was couched in general terms; but it went forth to the country as a stigma upon some-made on the coast of the enemy might have body. The Hon. Gent. whose character had been brought forward to-night, was a distinguished officer, and who was now, he maintained it without the least hazard of contradiction, absolutely and entirely exculpated from all possible suspicion of misconduct. He was in a situation which the House could not fail to feel, and it must be matter of commiseration and regret to every one who knew him, and to every one who knew what were the feelings of wounded honour, to think that any suspicion should have attached on him. That gallant officer and honourable man had had recourse to what the Hon. Gent. who spoke last lamented, namely, the oath of his agent, which proved incontestably his perfect Innocence. That agent had sworn positively that Sir T. had no communication with him respecting money in the funds for several weeks previous to the sale of this stock, and it was not until after the period the stock was sold the agent communicated any thing to him upon the subject of it; a circumstance so material, that it was absolutely conclusive upon the case, and no doubt could remain upon it. He was sure there was not one Member in the House who did not believe that the character of this officer was pure. He was sure there was not one man in that House, or any considerate man out of that House, attentive to what was said in it, who did not feel how important and essential it was to the welfare of the country itself, to support the characters of men of station and officers of distinguished merit. The people of this country were a steady and reflecting people, and they would not be very ready to set up any presumptions | whatever without proof, against the character of a man whose life had been one constant scene of public services, adorned by unblemished honour. If there was any distinction of good qualities to be made, where all the qualities were good, he would say of Sir T. that he was most remarkable for a sturdy purity and unimpeached integrity. The Hon. Gent. had said, that his allusion was in general terms: that was the very thing he complained of. He called on the Hon. Gent. to speak out, to state any circumstance that attached the most minute or the most remote degree of suspicion, not only on Sir T. but on any individual connected with Government, upon the subject to which his allusion was made. These allusions were not to be hastily [IRISH MILITIA.-Mr. ALEXANDER brought up the Report of the Committee on the Irish militia bill; when the resolution respecting the bounty to be given to militia-men was read, Mr. WINDHAM said he rose to submit to the House some objections to the present measure, though he did not hope, by any arguments he could use, to be able to make any impression upon the House, or produce any modification in the measure now under consideration. His only object was, to enter Mr. NOEL here called Mr. Windham to order, as he did not consider his arguments as applying to the question before the House, The SPEAKER said he considered the Rt. Hon. Gent. as perfectly in order. his protest against this measure, and to throw | was true that one militia regiment, if acting out some observations, which perhaps might with regiments of the line, might do perfectly be attended to in future, when any similar well; but the case was very different when measure was brought forward. He begged, the whole, or nearly the whole of an army was in the first place, to declare, that he was not a composed of inexperienced troops, who cerfrienel to militia institutions in general: he did tainly were not fit to go through the wear and not approve of them in England, still less in tear of a campaign. Without enlarging upon Scotland, and his objections were still greater this subject, he wished to observe, that he did when applied to Ireland. He would take it not think the discipline of the militia equal to for granted, because it was the unanimous opi. the regulars, particularly when we might be nion of all the Irish Gentlemen who had going into a struggle which might decide the spoken upon the subject, that the militia could fate of the empire. not be raised in Ireland as it was in England, viz. by ballot; but he totally differed from them in the conclusion which they drew from that circumstance, viz. that if the militia could not be raised by ballot, that therefore it ought to be raised by bounty. If it could not be had by ballot, he would not have it at all. He spoke without any undue bias upon his mind; he was not a military man, and had neither prejudice or partialities, but he certainly was not a friend to institutions of that sort. When he said this, he hoped he should not be supposed to speak in disparagement of the militia, or of those gentlemen who had exerted themselves with so much spirit and zeal in that service, and who had foregone many of the comforts of life for the service of the country. He did mean to say that institution had been brought to a degree of perfection beyond the most sanguine expectations of those who first proposed the establishment of the militia. He knew that many regiments of militia were as expert, and made as good a figure upon the parade, as any regular regiment: he meant to impute to them no defects which were not inherent to the institution itself. The militia army, however perfect its discipline might be, was an army without experience; and indeed he hoped in common with every body else, that it would always continue so, because they could only gain experience by being called to act against an enemy in this country. He should not be told, that in the whole range of arts, mechanical, intellectual, and manual, the art of a soldier was the only one that did not require experience. It might be said that the men who formed the militia were of the same description as those who constituted the regulars; that the officers of the militia were as brave as those in the troops of the line, and, from the interest they had in the country, must be as anxious to defend it. All this was true, but valour would not do without experience; nay, spirit without experience was often productive of great danger. If even raw troops were going into action, they would feel great confidence if they knew they were led by officers of experience; if they could say, Such Sir WILLIAM PULTENEY said, though he an officer distinguished himself in the glorious did not agree with the Rt. Hon. Gent. yet he campaign in Egypt, such a one commanded in hoped he would be suffered to go on, because such an attack in the West Indies, &c. But it was necessary that his observations should be if raw men were commanded by officers with-answered. out experience, the courage of the officers would only make the men apprehensive that they would lead them into useless danger. It Mr. WINDHAM said, that with respect to the defects which existed in the militia force, they did not arise from the fault of any per son; they were defects that necessarily arose out of the nature of the institution itself. But it was obvious that a militia force could not be equal to a regular force, because the latter was as good as the former for defensive operations, and might be employed for purposes of offence; whereas the militia could only be employed at home for purposes of defence. If you have a large force, which might be employed both for offensive and defensive purposes, though you might never send them out of the country, yet they would keep the enemy in check, because they could not foresee whe ther you would send them on foreign service or not; but if the enemy knew that you had a large force in the country, and also knew that you could not send that force out of the country, it certainly would relieve them from any apprehensions of attack on their own coasts. Suppose at the time when Buonaparté marched into Italy, previous to that most unaccountable battle of Marengo, when he col, lected all the troops he could in France, and made that memorable passage of the Alps, which was almost as celebrated as the passage of Hannibal; suppose at that time we had had 30 or 40,000 men ready to make an attack upon the enemy's coast, he believed that the French would not have ventured to have sent so large a part of their force to Italy. Mr. WALLACE called the Rt. Hon. Gent. to order; he conceived that these observations did not rise out of the subject before the House. Mr. WINDHAM said, that one of the great aguments for the militia was, the constitu tional principle, that it prevented the neces- to this measure, he only complained that the sity of a standing army: but he thought there Rt. Hon. Gent. had made his general obwas now no ground for the apprehensions that jections at a time and upon an occasion used to be entertained against a standing when these objections could lead to no pracarmy: at all events, the danger, if there was tical conclusion. He complained that the Rt. any, was remote; while the danger which Hon. Gent. entertaining such opinions upon now threatened was immediate and pressing. this subject as he now appeared to do, should, He could not consider the militia as a con- while he was in office, have augmented the stitutional force in the view it was first in militia to a degree heretofore unprecedented; tended, because it was now formed almost for the Rt. Hon. Gent. was at that time in a entirely of substitutes. With respect to the department immediately connected with the economy of the measure, he wished to ob- public force. The Rt. Hon. Gent. had not serve, that in such a crisis as the present, it only suffered the militia in England to be so would be absurd to be governed merely by augmented, but while he held an important views of economy; but certainly when they office in administration, the militia of Scotwere considering whether they should give land was formed, and he believed that of Irefour guineas to militia-men, or six guineas to land; and yet upon these occasions the Rt. regulars, they ought to consider the difference Hon. Gent. had urged no objection. But there was in point of utility between the two now, even if the Rt. Hon. Gent.'s objections descriptions of force; and, in his opinion, should prevail (unless the Parliament were to the difference between the two descriptions supersede all the militia laws at once), be of force was greater than the difference be- stated them for the first time. When the tween the bounties. If this bounty was given bill, of which the present one was only a to men to serve in the militia, it certainly part, was before the House, and when, from would very materially impede the recruiting the situation of the country, his objections service for troops of the line. He knew that could have been more deliberately and mathere must be a great degree of partiality turely examined, the Rt. Hon. Gent. sat perupon this subject in gentlemen who had de- fectly silent. He really could not comprehend voted their time and exertions to perfect the how a Gentleman who had served his country militia, and who must therefore feel unwilling so long, in many important situations, and for to see the effect of all their labour lost; but whose talents and sentiments he had the at a moment like the present, the country highest veneration, could have allowed himmust not be governed by such considerations self at such a time to make such observations. as these. The danger with which we were The Rt. Hon. Gent. had occupied a conthreatened was of so immediate and para-siderable time in proving a proposition which mount a nature, that it required the constant exertion of all the ability of the Government; the least error, the least relaxation, might be attended with the most serious consequences. We were now going close-hauled; and if we only lost a point or two in our course, we run the risk of going to leeward of our port. It had been said, that at such a moment as the present the only object was to call forth the exertions of the country, and that it was wrong to comment upon the nature of those exertions; but, in his opinion, the more imminent and pressing the danger was, the greater the necessity was that the spirit and exertions of the country should be properly directed. The SECRETARY at WAR said, he certainly did not intend to have taken any part in this debate, because he did not think that any Gentleman would have introduced such subjects as they now heard; but he could not sit still after hearing observations which he declared had given him as much uneasiness as he had ever felt since he sat in that House. He agreed with an Hon. Baronet (Sir Wm. Pulteney), that such arguments ought not to go forth unanswered, even if they were irregular; though he thought that the Rt. Hon. Gent. was strictly in order. He did not by any means complain of the Hon. Gent.'s objections nobody ever attempted to dispute, viz. that the militia were not in every respect equal to the regular force. It was never intended that they should be; they were merely meant as subsidiary to the regular troops, and he was convinced that a better system could not be adopted with a view to the constitutional principle, which he was convinced would never be given up. He begged the House and the Rt. Hon. Gent. to consider what the militia bad done. In the year 1780 they saved the capital of this country; and upon every occasion where their services were required, they came forward with promptitude and alacrity; and he was convinced that no country possessed a force, maintained at so small an expense in time of peace, that could be made so effectual in time of war, and called forth at so short a notice. With regard to the militia of Ireland, it was not necessary to remind the House, that at the time of the rebellion they displayed a degree of courage that shewed them to be inferior to no troops in the world, and, in conjunction with the yeomanry, put down and trampled that rebellion under foot, and saved that country to the British crown. As to the militia of England, at one of the most critical periods of its history, they voluntarily offered their services in Ireland; and though the rebellion was put down before |