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consequently with greater pretensions at the congress. It is with the view of avoiding, in part, so manifest an inconvenience, that France requires that the maritime armistice should be stipulated in such a manner as to be equivalent to the continental armistice, and as to place England, on its side, in the situation of being desirous of the conclusion of peace. The advantages which the republic can and ought to expect from the naval armistice are, the free navigation of her ships, and the facilities necesssary for her communications with Egypt, the isles of France and Reunion, and with her American colonies: and although she should make use of it to send a few thousand men more to Egypt, do not the places belonging to the Emperor daily acquire, in like manner, fresh strength upon the continent? With respect to the victualling the harbours of the French Republic itself, internal means of circulation are not wanting; and this object is but of small importance to it. When the British government proposes that the harbours and places blockaded should only receive provisions for fourteen days, is it aware that the greater part of those establishments are still far from wanting provisions? and besides that, the season is drawing near, which, by rendering a naval blockade almost always illusory, makes the proposed favour quite useless That if, besides, it be considered how little it is the interest of Great Britain, if it be sincerely desirous of peace, to prevent France from preserving and consolidating the small number which remain to her of foreign settlements, and how much England, by making new acquisitions of this nature, would augment still farther the uneasiness and jealousy of Europe; and the disposition which it evinces not to see with indifference the unlimited extension of the power and commerce of England, it will be acknowledged, at the same time, that the advantages to be derived to the French Republic from a maritime truce are admitted, that this truce would not be so very disadvantageous to England as her government appears to imagine. The undersigned is consequently directed to refer Lord Grenville to the double proposition contained in the present note. If a separate negotiation and peace be the object of the armistice, they may be agreed to in the form in which it is proposed by the ministry of his Britannic Majesty. If a joint negotiation and a general peace be the object, the armistice must be stipulated in the manner proposed by the French government, and as it will be subsequently detailed by the undersigned.

Отто.

peace should be immediately opened between the French Republic and its allies, on the one side, and his Imperial Majesty, his Bri tannic Majesty, and their allies, on the other side, and the armistice which has already been concluded between the armies of the French Republic and those of his Imperial Majesty may be prolonged, if an equivalent armistice should be concluded between the forces of the French Republic and those of his Britannic Majesty, the two governments have agreed to conclude the said armistice upon the following conditions:-Art. I. All hostilities both by sea and land between the two nations shall be suspended, and shall not be renewed until after a month's notification prior to the end of the armistice. In all parts of the world the armistice shall not be broken without the express order of the contracting governments; and hostilities shall not be renewed until a month after the notification which may have been given by the general or commanding officer of one of the two nations to that of the other nation. II. Orders shall be immediately transmitted by the two governments to the commanding officers in the several parts of the world, directing them to act in conformity with this convention. Passports shall be given to the persons who shall carry out these orders: and the officers of his Britannic Majesty who shall travel through France for this purpose shall receive safe-conducts, and the necessary facilities for accelerating their journey. III. All prizes made in any part of the world, during the continuance of the armistice, by any officer having actually received the notification of this convention, shall be restored : and generally (whether this notification shall have been made or not), all prizes made in the Channel, or in the North Seas, after twelve days, to be computed from the exchange of the ratifications of this convention, shall be restored; and in regard to this object, the terms shall be fixed for the other parts of the world conformably to the stipulations of the 22d article of the preliminaries of the last peace; whence it results, that, computing from the day of the said exchange, all trading vessels of either nation shall have the power of putting out to sea, and of navigating freely as before the war. IV. Malta and Egypt shall be assimilated to the places in Germany, which, although blockaded by the French army, have been permitted to enjoy the benefit of the continental armistice. Malta shall be furnished with provisions for fifteen days at a time, at the rate of ten thousand rations per diem. With regard to Egypt, six French frigates shall have the liberty of sailing from Toulon, of unlading at Alexan dria, and of returning without being search

PROJET. In consideration of its having been agreed that negotiations for a general

VOL. III.

* M

ed, and without suffering any opposition during their passage, either from English ships,

any fresh suggestions on the subject of a naval armistice which can at all vary the answer

transmitted to M. Otto on the 7th instant.

Nither his Majesty's known engagements to his alies, nor his desire, so recently expressed, to contribute to the restoration of ge

or from those of the allies of Great Britain. An English officer of rank shall, for this purpose, embark on board one of the frigates, and shall travel through France on his way to Toulon. V. The blockade of Brest, of Tou-neral tranquillity in Europe, will admit of his lon, and of every other French port, shall be separating his interests from those of the raised; and all British captains shall receive powers with whom he is connected in the instructions not to interrupt the trade of any prosecution of the war; much less could he vessel either entering therein or going out entertain the idea of consenting, for such a thereof. No ship of the line, however, of purpose, to any naval armistice; a measure two or three decks, actually at anchor in the which he has already declared to be totally said ports, shall be at liberty to go out before inapplicable to a separate discussion of the the renewal of hostilities, for the purpose of interests of Great Britain and France. This changing its station; but frigates, sloops, and proposal being, therefore, one which the ather small ships of war, may freely go out French government must have known that and navigate; and in the event of their his Majesty could not accept, the supposed meeting at sea with ships belonging to his alternative professed to be offered to his Britannic Majesty, they shall observe the Majesty's choice, amounts to nothing more customs established before the war. VI. The than to the simple renewal of a demand alland forces in the pay of his Britannic Ma- ready rejected. No fresh inducement is jesty shall not have the power of disembarking stated which should now dispose his Majesty in any port of Italy during the continuance of to consent to those conditions of armistice for the present armistice. VII. The allies of joint negotiations which he had before conFrance, namely, Spain, the Batavian Re-sidered as wholly inadmissible. From inforpublic, and Genoa, shall participate in the benefit of the present armistice. (If his Britannic Majesty insist upon including his allies in the armistice, they shall enjoy the same advantages with those of France). VIII. The present convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged, in the space of ten days, or sooner, if it should be pos

sible.

The First Consul, who would suffer no means to escape that might lead to a conciliation, made a double proposition. If England wished to engage in the common negotiation with Austria, he required that she should accede to the armistice which was proposed to her, on the consideration that there was but this way to establish some resemblance between the respective relations of the contracting powers, and to communicate to each the desire and the necessity of coming to a conclusion. If, on the contrary, England preferred entering into a separate negotiation with France, the first Consul would accept the projet for an armistice presented by the British ministry. What could he do more? Did he not give a new proof of his conciliatory disposition in delaying for eight days the renewal of hostilities against Aus

So much moderation, attention, and even complaisance, had no other effect than that of producing, on the part of the British government, the following official answer:

Downing-street, 20th Sept. 1800. The note enclosed in M. Otto's letter of the 16th instant, has been laid before the King. His Majesty has not seen in that paper

mation received since the last communications on this subject took place, his Ma jesty has observed, with equal surprise and concern, that the orders for giving notice of the termination of the continental armistice must actually have been dispatched from Paris at the very time when the continuance of that armistice was proposed to his Majesty as the condition and inducement for a maritime truce: and if in addition to this circumstance his Majesty were to collect the present dispositions of his enemies from the terms respecting his conduct and views with which their recent communications with his allies are filled, the conclusion must be extremely unfavourable to the existence of any disposition to conciliation. His Majesty is, however, still willing to waive all reference to these considerations, and to regulate his conduct by the motives which he has already explained. He still looks, therefore, to a naval armistice on suitable conditions, as to a sacrifice which he may be induced to make in order to prevent the renewal of hostilities on the continent, and thereby to facilitate those joint negotiations for general peace which might perhaps be accelerated by such an arrangement, although they are by no means necessarily dependant on it. But when it is required that the extent of the sacrifice which his Majesty is to make should be regulated neither by any fair standard of equality, nor by the ordinary rules which govern such transactions; when, without any reference to the interests of his own people, he is called upon to proportion his concessions to the ex

assertions, which it was the duty of Citizen Otto to refute without delay, after the provident and detailed instructions that he has received from Paris. This was the object of the following note:

aggerated estimates which his enemies have | those means of present defence, and those formed of the benefits derived to his allies pledges of future security, which have been from the continental armistice; and when, on acquired by such great and memorable efforts, such grounds as these, conditions are insisted and which he can never be expected to foreon which even these could not warrant, it go till the result of those negotiations, in becomes necessary to state distinctly that his which he has declared his readiness to conMajesty neither recognizes this principle, nor, cur, shall have crowned his endeavours for if he did, could he agree in this application the happiness of his people by the restoraof it. His Majesty is not, indeed, called tion of safe and honourable peace. upon to appreciate the relative advantages GRENVILLE. which the prolongation of the continental This note, so far from offering a suitable armistice might really afford to each of the decision on the question of the maritime arbelligerent powers; but even of those cir-mistice, contained nothing but difficulties and cumstances which are enumerated by the French government as exclusively advantageous to Austria, many are evidently beneficial to both parties, and are so nearly to an equal extent. If, during the interval of repose which has already elapsed, the Austrian Hereford-street, 1st Vendimiaire, An 9. armies have been re-established, recruited, During the whole course of the negotiation and reinforced, France has not been inatten- with which the undersigned has been charged, tive to the same measures. If the subsidies he has had cause to regret that the want of which his Majesty has furnished are applied more direct communications with his Maby his ally to the formation or transport of jesty's ministry has rendered it impossible for magazines, France has appropriated to simi-him to give to his official overtures the nelar purposes the rigorous contributions ex-cessary explanations. This inconvenience acted from those countries which the existence of an armistice has not exempted from that calamity. The places in the rear of the Austrian army have been repaired; but the position of the French armies has also been strengthened; and even the blockaded towns may perhaps suffer more from the increased length of the blockade, than they can profit any internal measures for improving their defence. Into other points of comparison his Majesty forbears to enter. No part of the varied successes of the continental war appears to him to entitle his enemies to presume on any ascendant over the spirit of the Austrian armies. But were the assertions of the French government in these respects better grounded than his Majesty conceives them to be, the principle itself would still be inadmissible. It is impossible that his Majesty can admit that compensation is to be demanded from him for the extent of those advantages, whatever they may really be, which his ally might derive from the continuance of the armistice; yet even such compensation is in a great degree offered by his Majesty. In consenting to a naval armistice on such terms as have already been acceded to on his Majesty's part, he has made considerable sacrifices, and placed within the reach of his enemies great and obvious advantages which their representation in vain endeavours to depreciate; he has thereby given to all Europe a strong pledge of his concern for the general welfare, and to his enemies a decided proof of pacific disposition. But to yield to the present demand, would be to sacrifice

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is rendered still more striking by the result of his last communications, to which the note which he had the honour to receive on the 20th of this month is an answer. The first part of this note appearing to intimate a doubt respecting the sincerity of the dispositions of the French government to begin negotiations for a general peace, the undersigned cannot avoid entering into some details upon this subject, which will fully justify the conduct of the First Consul. The proposed alternative of a separate peace, in the event of his Majesty's not accepting the conditions for a general armistice, far from evincing a want of sincerity, furnishes, on the contrary, the strongest proof of the conciliatory dispositions of the First Consul: it is a necessary consequence of the declaration made by the undersigned the 4th of this month. In effect, he has had the honour to apprize the British ministry, that if that armistice be not concluded before the 11th of September, hostilities will have been renewed with Austria, and that in that case the First Consul will no longer be able, with regard to this power, to consent to any except a separate and complete peace. That armistice was not concluded at the date fixed upon; it was therefore natural eventually to expect a separate peace with Austria, and according to the same supposition, a peace in like manner separate with Great Britain, unless it is thought that the calamities with which a great part of Europe has been for eight years past oppressed, should be continued without other hope of termination than that of the complete

destruction of one of the belligerent powers. vinced of the sincerity of their intentions, It is not therefore the French government and because the opinion which they may which proposes to his Majesty to separate have of that sincerity is the only pledge for his interests from those of his allies; but the success of the negotiations. With rehaving in vain attempted to unite them in a spect to the second point in the note which common centre, and finding them separated the undersigned has had the honour of rein fact by the refusal of England to lay down ceiving, he is to refer to his letter of the on the altar of peace some special advantages 16th, in which he informed his excellency of which France had already made a sacri- Lord Grenville, that he was directed to give fice, the First Consul has given a fresh proof satisfactory explanations relative to the prin of his dispositions, by pointing out another cipal objections of the British government to means of reconciliation which the course of the proposed armistice, and entreated him, at events will bring about sooner or later. In the same time, to facilitate the means of verconformity with the advice which the under bal communications with the ministry. It signed had transmitted on the 4th of this was therefore difficult to believe that the month, notification was given of the cessation French government would adhere, without of the continental armistice at the term which any modification, to its first overtures; for in had been fixed upon; but the counter-projet that case it would have been quite useless to of the British ministry, dispatched by the solicit for an interview, in order to give sa undersigned upon the Sth of this month, tisfactory explanations. In speaking of the having reached Paris on the 10th, and his compensations requisite, in order to place Imperial Majesty having appeared to be con- the naval armistice upon a footing with the vinced that his ally would not withhold his continental truce, his Majesty's ministry consent to an admissible armistice, the First think that there is some preponderance in the Consul determined again to retard for eight balance settled by the French government. days the renewal of hostilities. Orders were A formal discussion upon this point would unimmediately dispatched to the armies of Ger- doubtedly be displaced, after the various many and Italy, and in the event of those orders successes of a war which has produced so arriving too late in the last-mentioned coun- many extraordinary events. It is difficult to try, and of the French generals having ob- doubt of the moral influence of those events tained successes in consequence of any mili- upon armies, upon nations, upon governtary operation, they are ordered to resume ments themselves; and the deductions which that position which they occupied on the pre- may be drawn from it at present, appear to ci e day on which hostilities were recom- justify the opinion which the undersigned menced. The simple relation of these facts has felt it his duty to state. If there be any will, without doubt, be sufficient to prove exaggeration in this opinion, it is shared with that the French government never can have the enemies of the republic themselves, who intended to cover, by pretended negotiations, I have employed every effort to prolong the a fresh attack upon Austria; and that, on the truce, and who have not scrupled to use the contrary, it has acted throughout this nego- means of pretended negotiations in order to tiation with that frankness and loyalty which gain time. The preliminaries signed by can alone ensure that re-establishment of ge- Count de St. Julien, and disavowed by his neral tranquillity which his Majesty and his court, are a memorable example of this; ministers have so much at heart. It would and the prolongation of the continental armibe in vain to look for proofs of a contrary in- stice must necessarily be considered as a satention in some expressions contained in the crifice on the part of the republic, since official communications of the French govern- every effort has been employed to extort its ment to the allies of his Majesty; more espe- consent to it. But even whilst his Majesty's cially if such proofs were attempted to be ministry admit the existence of this sacrifice, drawn from one of the last letters written to they formally declare that an analogous sacriBaron Thugut, which the undersigned might fice cannot be expected to be made on the part have communicated himself, if he had found of his Majesty. It certainly does not become an opportunity. That letter would prove, France to judge how far his Majesty's engage that the French government, always a friend ments with his allies may counteract his inclina to peace, appeared to complain of the intention in this respect; but France appears to have tions of Great Britain only because it had every reason to believe them contrary to a solid system of pacification. The undersigned has entered into these details only because, on the eve of negotiations which may be entered upon, it is of importance to the counails of the two powers to be reciprocally con

certainly an undoubted right to demand the price of the sacrifice which she has made, and which she is still willing to make. The First Consul has given to Europe repeated pledges of his pacific dispositions; he has never ceased manifesting them to the cabi nets interested in this contest; and even al

though the hopes of the enemies of the French | tions for peace, will be found in the facilities Republic should be excited by his modera- it may afford for expediting both the comtion, it shall always be the sole guide of his mencement and the successful termination of actions. Notwithstanding this difference in that negotiation into which the King and his the manner of viewing several questions ac- ally the Emperor of Germany have already cessory and preliminary to the proposed pa- expressed their willingness to enter, and cification, the undersigned cannot but con- which can alone, by a general and compregratulate himself on finding, in all the con-hensive arrangement of the interests of all munica ions which he has hitherto had the honour of receiving, the same assurances of his Majesty's disposition to employ his efforts towards the re-establishment of the tranquilfity of Europe, and he will neglect no opportunity of placing this disposition in its strongest light to his government. Отто. Lord Grenville replied in the following

manner:

tween the different powers now engaged in it, any permanent or solid basis of general tranquillity could be established. As his Majesty has, in compliance with M. Otto's wishes, authorised a proper person to confer with him respecting the different proposals for a naval arinistice, it is unnecessary to add any thing here on that subject. This step affords a new proof of his Majesty's dispositions to lend himself to every reasonable facility which can contribute to a general pacification, and every part of his Majesty's conduct will be found conformable to those dispositions. GRENVILLE.

the parties concerned in this extensive war, afford to Europe the hope of solid and permancut tranquillity. With respect to the supposed case, in which it is stated, that France would not agree to treat with Austria but for a separate peace, the fortune of war can alone decide on the means of realizing such a pretension; but whenever it shall be insisted on by France, after the experience Downing-street, Sept. 25, 1800. of what has already passed, it will afford to It is by no means the wish of the British all other powers, not a presumption only, but government to prolong a written controversy the painful and decided conviction, that the on the circumstances to which the first part French government has no real desire to put of M. Otto's note of the 23d inst. principally a final and conclusive period to the calamirelates; it is however necessary, in order to ties of Europe. No man who considers the vindicate the accuracy of the former state- past events of this contest with attention, or ment which the undersigned was directed to who is capable of judging with accuracy of make, that the dates of those facts should, in the present situation of affairs, can believe reply to M. Otto's note, be more particularly that, if the present war is to be terminated detailed; but this will be done without add-only by a succession of separate treaties being any fresh comment upon them. The first proposal made to his Majesty, on the part of France, for a naval armistice grounded on that of the continent, was dated on the 24th of August. The notices for terminating the continental armistice were given by the French generals on the 27th and 29th of August; the orders for that purpose must therefore have been actually sent from Paris before the 24th. His Majesty's answer was transmitted by the undersigned to M. Otto on the 29th, the very day on which the last of the notices was given in Germany. That answer referred to the Austrian armistice as still existing; and it was not till the 4th of September that the first intimation was received here of the measures taken in Germany for giving notice of its termination.With respect to the letter of M. Talleyrand to Baron de Thugut, to which M. Otto refers, it was also dated the 24th August. The French government, so far from being at that time entitled to consider his Majesty's intentions as hostile to the re-establishment of a solid system of pacification, was then actually in possession of the notification given in his Majesty's name, through his ally, of his readiness to concur in immediate negociations for that very purpose. It will be with real pleasure that his Majesty will see the conclusions which appeared to him to result from these facts disproved by the event. The best evidence which the French government can now give of the sincerity of its disposi

The negociation relative to the maritime armistice must now be considered as, in a great measure, broken off; and, on both sides, an end was put to those discussions, which were rendered useless by the rapid succession of military events, as well as by the conclusion of a treaty of peace at Luneville, between France and the Emperor, 20th Prairial, An 9.-On the 29th of this month Citizen Otto transmitted, from London, the first account of the dismissal of Messrs. Pilt, Dundas, and Grenville. One of the first acts of the new ministry was to revoke the orders which had been issued against the fishing-boats, by their predecessors, which was the only answer given to the note sent by Citizen Otto, according to the orders of his Cabinet. It now appeared, that Messrs. Addington, Hawkesbury, and the other members of the new ministry, were disposed tə

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