to be acted upon, that for peace sake parishes are not to maintain their churches, since all the parishioners are not Churchmen, then the congregation of each church or chapel must defray its own expenses, which in large towns may do very well; but as to thrusting the burden upon the tithes and glebe, it is absurd to suppose that any national church can exist, or at least thrive, under such a measure. The great body of the laity of each successive age must in the main, in one way or other, provide for its own religious necessities; for these are an increasing charge with an increasing population, and cannot be prospectively liquidated by fixed endowments. We have already fatally experienced the evil of not allowing for expansion, in the impossibility of providing for the religious wants of increased parishes without new funds, which, upon a national scale, can only be raised by legislative sanction.

Lord Althorp has brought in the first of the Church of Eugland Reform measures, in a bill for the commutation of tithes. His Majesty's government proposes further to introduce measures to secure clerical residence, and to do away with pluralities. Other plans are also hint ed at, the nature of which is not specified, and we forbear to offer vague conjectures; but with regard to the three objects just mentioned, they are of such importance that if his Majesty's Ministers can place them upon a right system, they will be among the best benefactors to the Church of England. The tithe commutation bill is, we think, in the main an excellent measure; but some of the details, as given in Lord Althorp's speech, appear to need much revision. The bill during the first year is to be merely permissive, giving the tithe payer and tithe receiver, including lay-impropriators as well as clergymen, the power of agreeing to a corn-rent in place of tithe. After twelve months, any tithe payer may oblige the receiver to commute, according to the award of valuators to be chosen in the manner specified in the bill. The most exceptionable part of the measure is that of making, not the actual value of the tithe, but what the receiver happens to have collected on the average of the last seven years, the standard of adjudication. In most cases the church will be grievously robbed by this provision, which is grounded on no principle of law or justice. Many an incumbent, from age, infirmity, carelessness, or from being so rich as not to care about the matter, or too poor to enforce his right, has let the tithes fall into temporary decay; and for this, himself and his successors are to be cheated in perpetuity. The only fair way is, when either party requires it, to value the land, and to make such reasonable terms as the valuators, who ought to be public res

ponsible commissioners, may judge proper. The bill indeed allows the valuators a slight discretion, not exceeding ten per cent. to be added to or subtracted from the seven years' average, but this is not sufficient. With a suitable enlargement of this discretion, we should be glad to see the bill made imperative, instead of merely permissive.

We await the other measures of Church Reform with much solicitude. We cannot say that we think the Church has found warm friends in his Majesty's Ministers; the scale, wherever it turns, being uniformly against the clergy; as in the matter of the seven years' average in the English bill, and various particulars in the Irish. Lord Althorp has, however, defended the clergy from the charge of inordinate wealth, proving that the whole parochial property of England would yield only an average of 2851. a year, for each benefice; and if to this were added the whole of the cathedral revenues, the aggregate average would be only 3001. Still, this, if duly adjusted-we do not say equalized-would go a great way towards a very suitable provision for a national church, and we shall rejoice if some just measure can be devised for its better regulation. At present its mode of division is most inequitable and preposterous; but injustice ought not to be perpetrated even with a view to a laudable object.

Sir Andrew Agnew has postponed the second reading of his bill for the BETTER OBSERVANCE OF THE LORD'S-DAY to the 16th of May. The bill has been furiously assailed in various quarters: by some, because they did not understand it; and by others, because they did: and zealous efforts will probably be made to get rid of it altogether on the second reading. We believe, however, that a re-action has commenced, and that, as the bill becomes better understood by right-principled men throughout the land, it gains every day new advocates. Even if it should not pass in all its details, it will, we cannot doubt, lead to some considerable though less extensive measure; for the public is now aroused upon the question, and petitions innumerable are pouring in from all parts of the land, imploring protection for those who cannot now enjoy the boon of a Christian Sabbath. It is said by many that the bill goes too far; and we would not contend for every minute detail; but, as a matter either of principle or of protection, where can it stop short of its present liberal range? No class of persons is brought within its guardianship which has not implored aid; and why should not the inn-keeper, the post-horse driver, or the stage-coachman, be as much protected as the retail trader; and why should not tea-gardens and other places of amusement, which are inconsistent with the sacred character of the day, be as much closed as the windows of a shop. The

bill interferes with no man's private duties or conscience; as our readers will perceive, if they will carefully peruse the paper of " Óbservations" upon it which they will find stitched up with our present Number. With that paper in their hands, it is unnecessary for us to say more at present, except again to commend the object to their prayers and earnest exertions. They will see in that paper the real character of the bill, which the newspapers, and some parliamentary objectors, have so strangely mistaken; reminding us of a story told by Sir W. Scott, in his Tales of a Grandfather, of General Sir Andrew Agnew, an ancestor of the honourable Member. The general, "brave to the last degree," was defending the fortress of Blair, in the Duke of Cumberland's campaign in Scotland just before the battle of Culloden, when “some of the young wags," Sir Walter says, "obtained an old uniform coat of the excellent Sir Andrew, which, having stuffed with straw, they placed in a small window of a turret with a spy-glass in his hand, as if reconnoitering the besiegers." This apparition, continues Sir Walter, did not escape the hawk's eye of the rebel Highlanders, who continued to pour in their fire upon the turret window; and even the unerring deer-stalkers expended much good ammunition in vain upon this man of straw, while the real Sir Andrew remained unscathed. And thus have our newspapers, and a few liberalizing politicians, dressed up an image of straw, which they call Sir Andrew Agnew's bill, and have attacked for weeks together this ruthless phantom, as in terfering with private conscience and domestic arrangements, oppressing the poor, entrenching upon the liberties of the subject, forcing people to go to church and be religious against their will, and making the best of days a season of unrelieved gloom, austerity, privation, and fanaticism. For all this vituperation there is not any solid basis of truth. The bill may go farther than many persons might wish in its protective character; but still it is strictly protective, and is only punitive or prohibitory in so far as one man may injure others by his public conduct.

But for the details we must again refer to the paper of "Observations ;" only once more urging our readers, during the short time that remains, to further the object by their influence in every possible way, more especially by means of petitions to Parliament, and by urging their representatives to support this important bill-of course with such amendments as may appear desirable, but not by any means to sacrifice its leading principles or features, which are strictly in accordance with the word of God and the due honour of his holy day.

The government measure for the EXTINCTION OF SLAVERY is postponed till the 14th of May, in consequence of

the change in the Secretaryship of the Colonies, Mr. Stanley having been recently appointed to that office, and requiring a few weeks to make himself master of the details of the question. Lord Althorp has pledged himself that the proposed measure shall be "safe and satisfactory;" but no measure will be entitled to either of those epithets which does not embrace a complete and speedy emancipation of the whole of the slave population. We affirmed very confidently, in our Number for January (the article was written some weeks previously, in December), that such a measure was in contemplation, and "as fixed as any thing human can be ;" and we have not the slightest reason to retract our words, or to disbelieve the accuracy of our information; but nothing human is fixed, and many circumstances have since excited apprehension in the minds of all zealous and uncompromising abolitionists. That our statement in December was not inaccurate or premature, may be inferred from the following significant, and we may say official, statement in the Courier of February 1st. "We have no hesitation in saying that we believe a general measure of emancipation was determined on; but which, on the representations of those connected and acquainted with West-India affairs, was, after more mature deliberation, in some degree modified." At length, however, after various alleged vacillations, we are to have, Lord Althorp says, a "safe and satisfactory measure.' We regret every hour's delay, as it perpetuates misery, and registers additional crimes and atrocities; but in other respects this cause of justice and mercy is a gainer by the postponement, since each passing day adds new arguments for abolition. If Ministers doubted, which however we do not believe, as to their proper course in February, they cannot, with their eyes open, doubt of it in May. Look at the continued tumultuous and insurrectionary spirit of the West Indies :-look at the avowed determination of the confederated bands of the colonists, to expel, imprison, or murder every missionary whom they can seize, and by means of the lash and the halter to extirpate every shred of religion, from among the slaves :-look at the scorn, the contumely, the actual rebellion, with which they assail all the proceedings of the British government and legislature, and his Majesty's representatives in the islands-look at the horrible cases of aggravated cruelty, with the blood not yet dry upon the whip, that are daily coming to light, and of which a Mr. Whiteley, a most credible witness, has just given from his own recent residence on a West-Indian estate, such heart-rending details as make bymanity shudder, and prove that brutal jests and lawless passion go hand-in-hand with the cart-whip and the obscene tor

ture of women:-look at the sympathy of too many of the English proprietors themselves with their West - Indian agents, as evinced within these few days in the case of no less a man than Lord Romney; the injustice and cruelty committed on whose poor aged female slave, Betto Douglas, the victim of one White man's licentiousness and another's barbarity, are fresh in the memory of the public; and yet his Lordship refuses to allow this miserable captive to be legally rescued from oppression, though one hundred pounds currency, far more than her commercial value, have been raised and tendered to him by some benevolent persons who commiserated her sufferings; his Lordship thus proving that there are hearts in which the love of despotic power is even greater than the love of money, though his Lordship shewed no disinclination to the latter in the miserly bargain which he made with this poor unfortunate creature some years since, to send him in three dollars, and a half every month; thus staining his children's bread with the very life's blood of a poor unhappy woman, whom his confidential agent, and up to this very moment his official friend and correspondent, had confined in the stocks (see Parliamentary Papers of May 1, 1827) for twenty hours every day, during six months and eleven days, because she could not make up the required tale of bricks, not one of which would the inexorable man abate; and neither the Governor of the Island, nor Lord Bathurst (then Secretary of State for the Colonies) being able to bring him to justice; a West-Indian jury abroad, and his noble master at home, viewing him as a truly "honourable, humane, and respectable man:"-look again,not to dwell on these horrors, at the whole British nation rising up with determined resolution to extinguish the foul system at a blow: -look at the numerous and unanimous meetings which have been recently held, especially the densely crowded and overwhelming assembly at Exeter Hall:. look at the shoals of petitions which have been pouring in from every corner of the land, all demanding prompt and complete abolition:-look at the legal, constitutional, but firm and determined convention of more than three hundred delegates, from all parts of the island, to urge upon Government the necessity of their doing their duty, and acting up to their pledges, in this great question:-look at the necessity which Government itself has felt of putting down by force that monstrous Whitefeet Jamaica association for tarring and feathering missionaries, burning their chapels, flogging every slave who prays or reads his Bible, and committing even murder, if necessary, which some English clergymen and episcopal publications, and members of Church-ofEngland religious societies, have seen fit

to eulogize, because it assumed to itself the name of "Colonial Church Union," and was directed to the abolition of sectaries and the upholding of slavery :-look at the turn which the conduct of such proprietors as Lord Romney has given to the question of compensation; it now appearing, that, when slaves were willing to work out their freedom, or friends were willing to assist them, and to give even beyond the commercial value, owners have capriciously and tyrannically refused to accept the price, because, forsooth, they did not, to use, Lord Romney's words, think the party entitled to this "particular favour" by their "good conduct," as reported upon by an interested or revengeful agent; and then they are to come and ask the British public to "compensate" them for their own obstinacy and despotism :-look again-but we have said enough to shew, that, if the question have lost in time, it has not lost in weight by a few months' delay.—On this question now depends, more than on any other, the continuance in office of the present administration. They have enemies on every side; and, in addition to their old political opponents, they have recently contrived to make not a few new ones, by their conduct on two or more questions of justice and humanity, such as the Factory Bill, and the uncivilized and unnecessary custom of flogging soldiers. After the afflicting evidence of last year respecting the unhappy children in our cotton-factories, what man, who had either a heart to feel or a head to think, could have willingly yielded to the proposal to send out a roving commission to inquire whether infants ought to be worked, and tortured to their work, for twelve, fifteen, or seventeen hours a day, just with a view of postponing Lord Ashley's ten-hour bill to another session? The House of Commons, to the great satisfaction of every humane man, left the ministers, on this occasion, and their manufacturing allies, in a majority—we use the phrase emphatically-of one; the most signal failure which has attended them up to this day (April 25), but which we trust they will strive to repair by making the commission, now it is formed, prompt and efficient. A commission to inquire whether infants ought to work more than ten hours every day of their poor wretched lives, in the pestiferous dust, heat, and fatigue of a cotton-manufactory, under the stimulus of oaths, and blows, and "billyrollers!". Was ever such a commission heard of in a civilized land! It certainly never was among savages.

The case of the soldier is different from that of either the child or the slave, as he has arrived at man's estate, and is not punished without a trial according to the laws of the body to which he belongs. But corporal punishment by flogging is a practice so barbarous, so disgraceful to

the nation, so prejudicial to the character of the soldier, so utterly uncalled for, as is proved by the example of those countries in which it is not employed, that we were heartily glad to see that government could rally but a miserable majority of ten votes in its favour, notwithstanding they enjoyed the aid of many of their usual anti-reform opponents, who on this occasion were their willing auxiliaries. They have but to try two or three more such devices, and particularly in the antislavery question, in order to alienate from them a large body of their countrymen, whom they will not find it possible to put down by popular opinion, as they did the remnant of a political faction. We write strongly, because we think the conduct of ministers, in regard to the factory and military punishment questions, has been truckling and disgraceful, and because, in regard to the anti-slavery question, they have not hitherto acted with that vigour which was required by their duty or their pledges. We trust that before another month has passed they will have redeemed their credit; that their abolition-bill will be both "safe and satisfactory;" and that, in the mercy of a gracious Providence, this solemn question will he settled henceforth as justice, religion, humanity, and policy alike demand.

Lord Althorp, in bringing forward his scheme of FINANCE, stated that the present government has abolished 1387 places, the income of which was 231,400., and that other retrenchments were in prospect; that the estimated income for the ensuing year, above the expenditure, would be about a million and a half; and that he proposed to repeal the duties on tiles, taxed-carts, shopmen, clerks, stewards, and to reduce those on advertisements, marine insurances, raw cotton, soap, and the assessed taxes on houses and windows, so far as applies to shops and store-rooms, but not including private dwellings. Sir James Graham has also presented a considerably reduced estimate of naval expenditure. Ministers seem very desirous to fulfil every reasonable expectation of the country in regard to retrenchment; and at the same time to oppose the destructive schemes of those who would violate the public faith, or mutilate the national establishments till they become ineffectual to their intended purposes. They have most zealously fought against Mr. Attwood's ruinous scheme of confiscation, the effect of which would be to inundate the country with damaged paper, to drive gold out of the land, to cheat every creditor, and to reduce every man's income to the extent of the depreciation. The House of Commons negatived this scheme of spoliation by an overwhelming majority.

Much has been said of late in both Houses of Parliament respecting the BEER SHOPS, which have entirely swerved from

their original intention, which was merely to afford a cheap and wholesome beverage without monopoly. All that is wanted to stay the evil, is to forbid the drinking of beer upon the premises, and to place the houses under a reasonable degree of magisterial controul. Surely this might be effected without reverting to a monopoly, or giving a preference to the vendor of ardent spirits. It is a question which deserves the most serious consideration of the magistracy and parochial clergy; as indeed does the Temperance-Society question in its whole extent, and connected with a variety of other important questions bearing upon morals, religion, pauperism, and the observance of the Lord's-day. It was most truly remarked in the admirable address to his Majesty of the clergy of the province of Canterbury in convocation assembled at the opening of the present parliament, that

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among the various causes which disappoint the hopes of the pastor," are "the intemperate use of intoxicating liquors, the assiduous distribution of immoral and impious writings, and the neglect of the Lord's day." Has every clerical reader of these lines a Temperance Society in his parish? If not, why? And when will our reforming government and parliament, among other reforms, banish the fiend-like practice of serving out large daily portions of liquid poison, as a part of the ordinary diet of our soldiers and sailors? The American government has banished ardent spirits from its naval and military rations, as it has also abolished the use of the lash; but we do not wonder that British officers consider the latter necessary, while they encourage the former; for if men are depraved by spirit drinking, it may be necessary to reclaim them by flogging. But why not eject both, and have rational and orderly men governed by rational and moral motives? In hot climates the habit is baneful beyond conception. We might quote without end the testimonies of able physicians; but we will content ourselves for the present with the following observation of Bishop Heber. “Nothing," says the Bishop, "can be more foolish, or its effects more pernicious, than the manner in which spirits are distributed to European troops in India. Early every morning a pint of fiery, coarse, undiluted rum is given to every man, and half that quantity to every woman. This the greater part of the new comers abhor in the first instance, or would, at all events, if left to themselves, mix with water. The ridicule of their seasoned companions, however, deters them from doing so; and a habit of the worst kind of intemperance is acquired in a few weeks, more fatal to the army than the swords of the Jâts or the climate of the Burmese."

Among the public events of the month we must not omit to notice the lamented decease of the venerable Lord Admiral