country. Changes also are going on in the agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial interests; and the circumstances of the great body of the people have very much altered: so much so, that a very considerable proportion of the inhabitants of these islands seem altogether a different people from the former generations of our country. Nor has this change in their circumstances been greater than the change in their moral and religious character. In adverting to these changes, I wish neither to convey censure nor approbation, neither to prognosticate evil nor to augur good, as respects their ultimate result, but simply to point to our actual condition, that those who wish well to the interests of their country, whatever be their political sentiments, may use their best endeavours to promote what is good, and to stay the current of whatever is evil; remembering that there are many active elements at work determining our future condition, and either endangering or proving a safeguard to us in the present unsettled state of things.

I have called the present state of things unsettled, and as undergoing some important change; and the more I think of the actual circumstances in which we are placed, and of the principles in operation, the more I feel convinced of this. In the process of moral fermentation through which our country seems to be passing, adverse parties are seen pursuing their several interests, and opposing those of others; or sometimes uniting to secure some common object. Hence, a state of general restlessness and commotion. New forms of things are rapidly springing up; but these changes and their consequences excite too little attention among the wise and the good, nor are proper efforts yet in progress for influencing and directing them towards a safe and beneficial result. Many who have opportunites of doing good in this way, are themselves too deeply engaged in the matters which are going forward, to observe what is taking place; and others are so overwhelmed with a sense of the mighty influence at work, that they satisfy themselves, that they are too great to be controlled, and they therefore passively wait the result. It may be impracticable to stay the current of change, and it might be unwise if practicable; but it is within the power of the well-disposed, of whatever political creed, to render it comparatively safe, and, through the blessing of God, perhaps even beneficial. They may so far separate those elements of change which are mischievous, from those which are useful, as very much to remove the incentives to future convulsions; and so to introduce whatever tends to promote public morality and religion as to heal the springs of power and influence; and thus to render government safe, into whatever hands it may fall. In so saying, I have no wish to awaken controversy among truly religious, conscientious, and intelligent men: I speak of religion, as a source of national morality and virtue; and as thus fitted to promote national industry, mutual confidence, good feeling among the different classes of society, and general stability of public measures; I speak of it as the only source of true and abiding happiness, either to individuals or communities; and above all, as necessary to obtain for us, as a nation, the Divine blessing, without which all the political sagacity of man must end in disappointment.

Without national virtue, there can be no stability in any popular government; the only form of government fitted for such a state of things, is a despotism and hence it has been, in every age, that in proportion as a nation is destitute of moral worth, it is incapable of enjoying liberty, either beneficially to itself or with safety to its neighbours; and it is now too late even for the mere philosopher to assert in this country, that a nation may be virtuous without religion. The dreams of an infidel philosophy, which led in a former age to so much misery, can be indulged in only by those who neglect the very alphabet of philosophical reasoning-facts. The pre

sent condition of the different nations of the world, amply furnishes these; and the inference from them is abundantly confirmed by history. But the more popular the government, the higher should be the standard of national virtue; because there is less restraint, and greater power is given to each individual of the community, whether for good or evil. Of the want of this national virtue, and the effect in unfitting a people for the enjoyment of liberty, we have examples in the history of Spain, Portugal, and perhaps also of Italy; which had at several times a measure of liberty brought within their grasp, for which they were not prepared, and which was therefore soon resigned. France also was morally unprepared for the Revolution of 1789; besides which there had been infused into the minds of her people a strong and rancorous spirit of infidelity; and the result was proportionably evil. The causes which led to this state of things, and which had, for a considerable time, been fostering among all ranks of the people a dislike of religion and a scepticism respecting its authority, are not to the purpose of the present argument; but the facts are certain, that infidelity did then prevail, that national virtue was at a low ebb, that the popular character of the government allowed these to influence its movements; and that the result was truly appalling. An almost demoniacal spirit seemed to rule amidst a storm of wild and ambitious passions, and to find a vent only in carrying forth the millions of France to desolate other lands.

In the above illustration I merely wished to shew the hopelessness of national virtue without religion, and the danger of substituting infidelity in its place, especially under a popular goverment; but I am far from resting the argument merely on these grounds. God is the Ruler of nations; and national as well as individual privileges are causes of evil and not of good, unless received from Him, and used in subordination to His will. It were strange to admit that it is a duty to serve God as individuals, as families, and as churches, and to deny that it is a duty to acknowledge and serve him as a nation. The Bible says, "Whether ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God;" will it then be affirmed, that with the glory of God legislation and the acts of government have no concern? The Bible says, "By me kings reign, and princes decree justice;" will therefore any one contend, that it would be unjust towards those who deny God, that he should be acknowledged either by kings or princes? The Bible says, "There is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation;" will therefore any Christian tell us, that there is no ordinance of God in the matter, and that the power belongs exclusively to those who are here warned against resisting it? The only plausible reason which can be urged, even on general and political grounds, against a national recognition and support of religion, is, that as different persons entertain different opinions respecting it, it would be unjust and impolitic to admit it in any form into matters of legislation. I do not see the conclusiveness of this inference; but granting that there may be some difficulty in meeting the, wishes of different parties, how is it proposed to remove it? Different classes of religious professors differ from each other as to certain points, chiefly subordinate, of belief and observance, while a remaining class has no religious belief, observes no religious worship, or is indifferent about both. The former cannot agree respecting their points of difference, and therefore it is recommended that government should adopt the faith and the form of the remaining class; that is, infidelity and irreligion. In order to prevent giving predominance to any one religious party, we are to give it to those who have no religion at all; and this at the expense of what is due to the moral character of a religious CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 373.

D

people, and to the honour of Him in whom "we live and move and have our being."

It is a mournful fact that of late, not a few Christian men, and perhaps even bodies of such men, have spoken as if they preferred the entire absence of religious principle in legislation, to the exercise of it through any special channel: but this I would hope is only the temporary effect of certain partial views, taken under unfavourable circumstances; for it is assuredly a certain way of resigning to the enemies of religion that very influence of which they are so jealous. If even the form and ministration of religion cannot be intrusted to fellow-Christians, because of a different party or name, is it safe to resign religion itself into the hands of those who seek to destroy it; and to substitute, in its stead, a virtual denial of God and of every thing Divine? Let matters proceed thus but for a short time, and, whatever be our own religious party, we shall find that we have been strengthening the hands of a party more dangerous than all others, both as concerns the interests of religion and the well-being of society. But beyond this balancing of accounts between man and man, there is the settlement of an account between man and his Maker: " for the kingdom is the Lord's, and he is the Governor among the nations;" and whether he can be acknowledged as such, while his name and his authority are carefully suppressed, let men of wisdom judge.

The process which is advancing of an assimilation of the different parts of the United Kingdom to each other, renders this matter peculiarly important at the present crisis. Our country, though under one government, has hitherto been in many respects three separate kingdoms; and however unfavourable this separation may have been to various national interests, it has had the effect of lessening the swell of popular tumult, and of preventing the overthrow of the faith and the observances of earlier times, by any sudden irruption of new and dangerous experiments. Ireland had long been restless and chafing, like the broken waves of the ocean among the islets of her own western shore; but Ireland alone, mighty in population as she is, might waste and weary her strength with agitation, and yet Great Britain continue unmoved, so long as the latter had no war of elements within her own borders. But those times are wearing away; the partition walls which separated these ancient kingdoms are being broken down; the circle of the one pool has found its way into the other pools, and one common tide is already breaking over us: so that we must now be either all of us under the influence of right principles, or all share in the consequences of the want of it. Should true and practical Christianity be excluded from our common government, from the fountain of power, of honour, and of influence, our country must wither in its moral and religious character, and suffer in its most important interests. Should a spirit of infidelity pass like a meteor over these Protestant lands, as there is too much reason to fear it has for years over the benighted districts of Ireland, converting each household god of Romish superstition into a political fury, even so doubtful a safeguard as that which is now being pulled down may be found to have had its use. Should substantial and practical religion be expelled from our government, and the effects reach the country at large, so that the moral and religious ties which have hitherto united a large portion of the inhabitants of these islands shall be weakened and eventually snapped asunder, the foundations of government will soon heave as with an earthquake; Europe at large will feel the shock, and its effects will reach to the very ends of the earth.

Much of what has been advanced may by many be accounted mere theoretical dreaming; and it may be asked what cause there is to apprehend any such prevalence or intrusion of infidel principles. The following are

some of the reasons which present themselves upon the very surface of existing circumstances.

The state of society is very different now from what it was a few years since. Not only has our population greatly increased, but that increase consists chiefly of dense masses of people, dwelling together; and in many cases dependent on similar and connected means of living. In this we see materials prepared for being readily acted upon, and, in their turn, for being brought to act in one simultaneous movement on any point towards which they may be directed. It unhappily happens, that considerable portions of these masses of people have been left in a great measure without any adequate means of religious instruction or moral training; and the consequence is, that they are without any general and influential fear of God, and are exposed to every exciting cause, especially if congenial to the natural depravity of the human heart. Add to this, that many under these circumstances are reduced to a state of wretchedness, in some cases approaching to starvation, and having been often disappointed, as wave after wave of depression passed over them, they seem to have placed their only remaining hopes in the hands of such as promise an overthrow of religion and its interests.

The state of Ireland is another cause of fear. The population of that country appears, from the returns of 1831, to be but little short of eight millions, of whom perhaps nearly six millions are Roman Catholics. Reading is common among them, and they are proverbially shrewd and intelligent, but they are generally ignorant of all valuable information; they stand low in the scale of morals and religion, and through the influence of their priesthood they have been placed very much under the direction of certain political leaders; whose disorganising and demoralising projects have become too manifest to require farther explanation.

I sincerely regret being obliged to add, that large bodies of our Protestant brethren, whom I cannot allow myself to think of but with feelings of respect, have virtually committed themselves with these infidel and popish spoilers; in seeking to extract from the body politic every thing of religious aspect, as if it were some poisonous infusion. I am far from alleging this to be their design; but I cannot doubt that it will be the result, unless the merciful providence of God avert it, in the hands of those with whom they have formed an ominous junction.

From causes which it is unnecessary to repeat, these various bodies have acquired a political influence, which was perhaps never before possessed by such a union of interests. I notice this, not so much on account of the accumulated power which is thus brought under one direction, as on account of the ends to be served by that power. Roman Catholics and different bodies of Protestants, never can agree, in regard to any measure affecting religion, except by surrendering to infidelity every thing substantial and positive in it. We have only to observe the character of some of those to whose direction this combined power has been entrusted, and to examine some of the measures issuing from this unholy alliance, to satisfy ourselves as to the result.

But the same political principle which has thus cemented parties, otherwise so dissimilar, may be traced in the operation of public affairs, during several successive administrations of government. From the time of the late Mr. Canning's ministry, or even earlier, it seems to have been acted on as a principle of legislation, that all grounds of difference as to privilege should be removed. Proceeding on this principle, we have witnessed a long train of commercial and political alterations. In the abolition of the Test and Corporation Act, in the Roman-Catholic Relief Bill, and in the Irish-Education measure, this principle is applied to matters of religion. With the policy of the two former classes of alteration I meddle not, and

neither have I any wish to pronounce judgment on the three last; but it would be wise, on the part of both Christian rulers and Christian subjects, to see what the following out of this principle, in matters of morality and religion, must inevitably lead to. Every preference in religious privilege can be removed only by the removal of religion itself; and, whatever may continue to be the sentiments of individuals or of ecclesiastical bodies, we must, in these circumstances, as a nation, deny all religion, and become more infidel than ancient Rome. But supposing that such a consummation as this were desirable, let us not forget the ordeal through which we must pass in attaining to it. Every part of the British constitution is bound together with the ligaments of religious principle; though many of these hallowed bonds now remain only in form. But in removing even a dead form, and still more in removing such as retain life and power, there must be a taking down of the whole fabric—an entire revolution-whether that be effected at once or step by step. The danger attending such an experiment may not appear great in anticipation; but I question if there can be found, in the pages of history, such a revolution passing harmlessly over any nation.

These surely are causes at least of concern; and the foreboding shadows of some of the consequences to which they are tending cannot be wholly unnoticed, even by a cursory observer. But when we look beyond our own country, and connect with these movements at home the indications of a similar spirit agitating the nations of the Continent, futurity seems as some dark thunder-cloud hanging over us, charged with more than we have yet seen or felt. And this will especially appear, if we observe the train between us and those nations; the political connexion and abundant intercourse between the inhabitants of this country and those of France-a people foremost among the European nations in spreading and promoting the dogmas of an infidel philosophy, in opposition to the teaching of sober reason and Bible truth.

If, in these remarks, I have written any thing which may be supposed to be either disrespectful to the Government under which we live, or to indicate any political bias, I sincerely regret it, and solemnly declare this to have been far from my intention, and from the feelings which I cherish. It must be the wish and endeavour of every Christian, to lead, under the king, and those who are in authority over us, a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty: and it is because he desires to see maintained the prosperity of the country, and the stability of the king's government, that he would have God in all things to be served, and his blessing to rest on us as a nation.

It is with true and practical Christians, whether in public or private life, that the duty of taking a lead in this work of national reformation must rest. Is it said, What can we do? We can act as those who know that the Lord reigneth; and, believing this, we have no reason to despair: and we are not allowed to despair, even though we saw not a single door of hope except this all-pervading truth. If we know what our duty is, we know enough. Duty is ours: results are God's. Let us not burden our weakness with what He alone is able to bear, or expect to direct the issue of events; but let us put ourselves under His direction, burdened with nothing beyond His command. We are not left, however, even there to labour in the dark. God, knowing our weakness, is pleased to hold out to us many grounds of encouragement, with which to support our timid faith. During the progress of our national departure from God, he has been pleased to promote a less noticeable but important healing influence. Both at home and abroad, he has of late years been raising up many able and faithful witnesses for the truth among those who are entrusted with the ministry of the Gospel. He has, through their instrumentality, carried home His