practically never used in the dependent construction. But the colloquial language did employ an infinitive after facere,18 and in medieval Latin this was the favored construction. The dialectical variants of Germanic *don- (O. S. don, O. H. G. tuon, O. E. don) are used as causatives. In the Germanic languages, the dependent construction varies, as it does in the IndoEuropean tongues, among noun and adjective predicates, noun clauses, and infinitives. O. S. don as a causative is followed by: (1) a nominal object plus a predicate adjective; as, . . . uuit [h]ebbiat unk giduan /Uualdand uuerðan; 1o (2) a that-clause; as, Oft gededa he that an them land scin; 20 (3) an infinitive; as, he doit im iro hugi tuiflien.21 O. H. G. tuon,22 used causatively, is followed by: (1) a nominal object plus a predicate adjective; as, sina sela heila tuon; 23 (2) a daz-clause: as, ongin this blinton tuon thaz theser in sturbi: 24 (3) an infinitive; as, inti tuot sie sizzen.25 In Old Norse, Germanic *don- is unrepresented. The causative burden in this language is borne largely by láta, gøri, and fá. 18 Thielmann, "Facere mit dem Infinitiv," Wölfflin's Archiv für Lateinische Lexicographie und Grammatik, III, pp. 180 ff.; Rieman, Syntaxe Latine, § 180. In the use of facere in verbal composita, as calefacere, pavefacere (Lindsay, op. cit., p. 91), we see in all probability facere plus an infinitive (Fay, op. cit., p. 159). 1o Genesis, 24-25. Cf. O. E. Genesis B: ac unc is mihtig God / Waldend wraðmod. See Behagel, Syntax des Heliands, pp. 201 ff. It seems scarcely necessary to quote from Old Saxon or from the other Germanic dialects examples of the two noun construction. 20 Heliand, 1211. "Tuiflien may be considered an adjective in the accusative case rather than an infinitive. Steig (Zeitscrift für deutsche Philologie, XVI, 478) considers it an infinitive, and argues that this and Heliand 5575 are instances of the use of duan plus an infinitive as an auxiliary verb. See Pratze, "Syntax des Heliands (Jahrbuch des Vereins für niederdeutscher Sprachforschung, XI, 72). Cases of duan with a following infinitive are found also in the O. S. translation of Psalms, 67, 6 and 73, 8 (Kleinere Altniederdeutschen Denkmäler, Paderborn, 1877). 23 Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, IV, 103; Erdmann, Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, §§ 344 and 350. 23 Tatian, 90, 5. "Tatian, 135, 22. Tatian (John 6, 10). A descendant of the stem fails, too, in Gothic; its lexical burden in Gothic is carried by the etymologically unrelated but semantically similar taujan.26 The constructions following taujan are the same as those employed after O. S. O. E. don, O. H. G. tuon: nominal object and predicate adjective; 27 noun clause; 28 infinitive.20 The same constructions follow O. E. don as follow O. S. don, O. H. G. tuon, and Gothic taujan: (1) nominal object and predicate adjective; as, ic gedo pe weligne; 30 (2) noun clause; as, Drihten us gedyde pat we moston buian; 31 (3) an infinitive; 32 as, Matheum he gedyde gangan.3 33 The habits of *don- as a causative in the Germanic dialects have been described. In tables appended to this article are displayed in parallel columns a dozen illustrations of Greek, Latin, Gothic, Old Saxon, Old High German, and Old English translations of the same Biblical passages containing causative constructions. The point of this inquiry will now be directed toward an attempt to determinate the extent of don's use as a causative in Old English. The nature of the construction dependent upon this don will not be forgotten, for it bears an important relation to the Middle English habits of don and to the very probable growth of auxiliary don out of causative don. 26 * See Journal of English and Germanic Philology, XVII, 1, Jan. 1918, p. 85. Matthew, 5, 36. John, 11, 37. John, 5, 21. See the tables appended to this article and 2 Cor., 9, 10; 1 Thess., 3, 12. The infinitive use, whether a native idiom or under Greek influence, predominates in the Gothic Bible. The O. N. cognate of taujan, tøja, tyja was early a common verb of doing, making,' but was crowded out by gørva and remained in one of its secondary meanings, help, assist.' It is used, too, as an auxiliary verb in the manner of do; as, sol ter sortna (the sun does blacken). See Yoshioka, op. cit., pp. 24-25. 30 Apollonius of Tyre (Herrig, Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, 97, p. 27, 1. 8). 1 Psalms (metrical version), 28, 8. With and without an accusative subject. For the interests of this study no good can come of attempting to determine whether the accusative noun is the object of don or the subject of the infinitive. 33 Blickling Homilies (E. E. T. S., O. S. 57), 239, 16. 34 36 Interest in the causative use of don has been, in previous studies, very slight or merely incidental to other questions of usage and syntax, or only the most general statements have been made concerning the construction. Einenkel 3 says that the use of O. E. causative don was "häufig." Callaway,35 who is concerned with the infinitive construction after don in any sense, has assembled the recorded cases of causative don plus an infinitive. Riggert,3 dealing with the general use of the infinitive in Old English poetry, throws a vague observation or two upon the extent of causative don's employment with a following infinitive in the poetical remains. Dietze 37 gives a casual opinion in regard to the date and growth of the construction in Old English prose; his opinion is that it is a foreign and an unusual construction in Old English. Kellner seems to imply that causative don was first known in Middle English when he writes: "From the beginning of the thirteenth century to the end of the fifteenth do means to cause,' thus making up for the loss of causative verbs." 39 Nesfield 40 makes a safely wide generalization that do became useful in the causative sense when our language had lost the power of forming causal verbs, like raise and rise." Other comments upon the construction might be cited, but to no purpose in finding a full or an accurate statement of causative don's habits in Old English. 6 38 66 In neither the prose nor the poetry, neither early nor late, is don with a nominal object and a predicate adjective" frequently "Streifzüge durch die Mittelenglische Syntax, p. 236: "Im AE. is dies don (causative with infinitive) haufig, im ME. wird es allmälig verdrängt durch maken." The Infinitive in Anglo-Saxon, Washington, 1913. Der Syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs in der Altenglischen Poesie, p. 58. 87 Das Umschriebende Do in der Neuenglischen Prosa, p. 10. "Op. cit., p. 352. The italics are not Kellner's. 39 Very few causative verbs have, of course, been lost. English Grammar Past and Present, p. 357. The nominal object and predicate adjective and the double noun object after don are sometimes considered constructions in which the infinitive of the verb be has been elided. If this is true, the examples cited here should be grouped with the infinitives after don; but there is no evidence whatever, nor is there any reason, for claiming priority for the construc found; but it does occur often enough to be attested a wellestablished manner of expression in the written Old English language. In approximately fifteen hundred pages of prose I find the construction used twenty-seven times. In approximately two thousand pages of Old English prose I found sixty-one instances of the use of causative don with a following pat-clause.2 In practically the whole of Old English poetical writing there appear to be but twelve cases of the same construction. Of these, eight-seventy-five per cent.-are from the metrical translation of the Psalms.43 Don plus an uninflected infinitive seems to have been recorded in all the preserved Old English writing but seventeen times; three times in poetry, fourteen times in prose. Since the instances are few, and because they are of importance in their bearing upon much of the discussion that follows, all of these examples will be quoted here. In poetry: Psalms (metrical version), 67, 6: se de eardian deð anes modes (qui inhabitare facit unianimes). Ibid., 103, 30: deð hi for his egsan ealle beofian (facit eam tremere). Ibid., 118, 25: do me after pinum wordum wel gecwician (vivifica me secundum verbum tuum).“ tion with the be-infinitive. The appearance of the logically full construction in Middle English seems an addition rather than a restoration. The logically complete construction, here or elsewhere, is not necessarily earlier than the logically eliptical construction. "Boethius 8 cases (10, 3; 24, 25; 36, 15; 38, 8; 38, 14; 81, 34; 123, 3; 123, 14). Bede's Eccl. Hist. 2 cases (360, 19; 460, 31). Wülfing, Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen, п, 90, cites six instances from Alfred (three from Cura Pastoralis) and says that the construction is "sehr häufig.") Blickling Homilies 4 cases (39, 27; 71, 6; 71, 20; 159, 6). Chronicles 1 case (E 1115: 216, 12). Ælfric's Pentateuch. 10 cases (Gen. 17, 6; 25, 21; 31, 26; 47, 30; Ex., 10, 13; Lev. 4, 3; 19, 19; 26, 18; Deut., 4, 1; 8, 5; Elfric's Homilies (Vol. 1) 16 cases (6, 7; 84, 16; 182, 14; 242, 12; 254, 1; 320, 21; 322, 6; 372, 11; 376, 3; 376, 34; 442, 36; 460, 23; 460, 29; 462, 1; 568, 34; 576, 20). Gospels 9 cases (Mat. 4, 19; 5, 32; 5, 45; Mk., 1, 17; 7, 37; Luke, 9, 14; 12, 37; John, 6, 10; 6, 63). Wulfstan's Homilies 11 cases (38, 6; 52, 26; 53, 3; 58, 18; 79, 17; 98, 21; 174, 8; 195, 9; 195, 25; 196, 5; 226, 27). 43 28, 7; 28, 8; 29, 5; 30, 19; 38, 12; 82, 12; 129, 1; 142, 8. The other instances are Daniel, 168; Juliana, 138, 475; Christ, 1383. • 44 Again the metrical version of the Psalms has an unusual position in the use of don. See ibid., 118, 156. In prose: Bede's History 98, 27: se de eardigan deð anmodan in his fæder huse* þat he do his peowan rice for worulde genihtsume on welan and unwidmetenlice scinan. Boethius' De Consolatione, 14, 17: Swa doð nu ða þeostro þinre gedrefednesse wiðstandan minum leohtum larum." Ælfric's Homilies, 1, 468, 20: Swa swa pu dydest minne broðor his god forlætan and on þinne gelyfan. Elfric's Homilies, II, 216, 14: se de deo his sunnan scinan." Elfric's Homilies, II, 296, 20: and ic dyde eow witan. Elfric's Homilies, 1, 600, 12: Do us lufian. Elfric's Lives of the Saints, 214, 90: gif þu me unwilles gewemman nu dest. Elfric's Lives of the Saints, XXXIII, 316: pat he gedo us werlice becuman. Old English Laws (ed. Liebermann), 410 (Judiciam Dei, c, 4, § 1): and þu doest þa fyrhta (et facies ea[m] tremere). Wulfstan's Homilies, 196, 1: Treowa he deð færlice blowan. 48 To the three cases of an inflected infinitive after don cited by Wülfing from the writings of Alfred I am unable to add an example from the rest of the Old English written record. Wülfing's instances are Orosius, 126, 31; Bede's History, 594, 4; and Cura Pastoralis, 356, 5. The search which is recorded in the figures of the last few pages shows that in the preserved formal language of the Old English period the normal construction after causative don was a pœtclause. That an infinitive was so used in Old English poetry only in the metrical version of the Psalms was long ago established by 45 A quotation of Psalms, 67, 6 (above). "Dietze's assumption (op. cit., p. 9) of tense-axuiliary use of don here may be correct. There is no reason to read settan for setton in Orosius, 48, 9, as Dietze does, in order to increase the number of infinitives after don in the Old English record. Cf. Matt. 5, 45: se pe des hys sunne aspringð. In the late (early Middle English) entries of the Laud MS. of the Chronicles five examples of causative don plus infinitive appear: E. 1123; E. 1127; E. 1128; E. 1132; E. 1138. No instance earlier than 1123 and no case in a MS. other than Laud is found. "Syntax in den Werken Alfreds des Grossen, II, 184 and 209. |