pro tanto, making the rate book the register. | qualifications which the people possess for We propose also to introduce a franchise the exercise of the political franchise. We on behalf of lodgers, which will compre- are mindful that unhappily the limbo of hend both those persons holding part of a abortive creations is peopled with the house with separate and independent ac- skeletons of Reform Bills. We do not cess, and those who hold part of a house as wish to add to the number of these uninmates of the family of another person. fortunate miscarriages. We may have The qualification for which will be the £10 erred, but we have endeavoured to see clear annual value of apartments, without how much good, by the measure which reference to furniture. We propose to we propose, we have a prospect of effectabolish the necessity, in the case of regis- ing for the country. As to the completeness tered voters, for residence at the time of of the measure, I have given to the House voting. And, lastly—I say lastly because what I think are the clear and distinct though there are some other minor provi- objects which any Government attempting sions, I do not think it needful to trouble to deal with the question of the representhe House with them at the present time- tation of the people must have in view, we propose to follow the example set us but honesty of purpose equally compels us by the right hon. Gentleman opposite and upon careful examination of the facts not the Government of Lord Derby in 1859, to attempt, by any measure that we could and, sustained and supported I must say lay on the table of the House at this given by many great authorities, to introduce a moment, that which we know to be imclause disabling from voting persons who practicable, and in which, therefore, we are employed in the Government yards, must fail. If we are told that, with respect while they continue to be so employed. to the franchise itself, we ought to have Sir, I have detained the House very done more, our answer is that it was our long in this explanation, and I have now duty to take into view the public sentiment briefly to consider what is the true repre- of the country, disposed to moderate sentation to be made of such a plan as change, but sensible of the value of what that which we now submit. It certainly it possesses, sensitive with regard to bringmakes a large addition to the constituency. ing what it possesses into hazard. And, The number of persons who will be en- whatever may be the opinion entertained franchised by this Bill, not upon an esti- of the growing capacity and intelligence mate wholly vague, but taken on the basis, of the working classes, and of their admiras far as may be, of the positive and able performance at least of their duties absolute figures which we have been towards their superiors-for it has ever apenabled to present, will, I think, certainly peared to me that though they have sins, in be greater than the number of those who common with us all, yet their sins are were enfranchised by the Reform Act; for chiefly, and in a peculiar sense, sins against no estimate of the enfranchisement effected themselves-yet it is true of the working by the Reform Act would carry it very classes, as it is true of any class, that it is a greatly beyond 300,000 persons. As re dangerous temptation to human nature to spects the county vote, we do not appre- be suddenly invested with preponderating hend that it will raise here any ques-power. That is the reason why I think tion of principle. As regards the bo- we have not done too little in the way of rough vote, we hope that our plan is enfranchisement. We may be told, on a liberal, as we believe and are sure the other hand, that we have done too that it is a moderate and a safe plan. much. I will hope that will not be urged. It alters greatly in towns the balance as We do not entirely abandon the expectabetween the working classes, defined in tion that even those who have protested the liberal manner which I have stated, almost in principle against the extension and the classes above them; and yet it of the franchise downwards will be disposed does not give the absolute majority in the to accept a measure which they do not town constituencies to the working classes. wholly approve if they think it offers the It is probable that, according to the various promise of the settlement for a considerable tempers of men's minds, we shall be told period of a grave, important, complex, and that we have done too little, or that we difficult subject. I would beg them to conhave done too much. Our answer is, that sider what an immense value there is in the we have done our best. We have endea- extension of the franchise for its own sake. voured to take account of the state and Liberty is a thing which is good not merely condition of the country, as well as of the in its fruits, but in itself. This is what we [First Night.

1

democracy had been favourable to human | had been established, Government annuifreedom or progress. If they looked at ties had been introduced, Factory Acts its operation on commercial progress, civil had been passed, a Bill relating to the progress, or religious freedom, they would dwellings of the poor was now before Parfind that it had been the opponent, and liament, taxes had been reduced which not the friend of, measures for the advance-pressed upon the labouring classes, whilst ment of freedom under those heads. In the income tax had been imposed on the very early times the export of wool was upper and middle classes. It was said that prohibited not for the sake of the landlords there had been great improvement since but of the hand-loom weaver and cotton 1832, and that the working classes had spinners. Protection was indeed the child risen intellectually. On the other hand of democracy; the navigation laws were not the advance of civilization and the introducintroduced under the reign of the Stuarts, tion of machinery necessarily led to the but by the Commonwealth; and in modern elevation above their class of those who times it required all the energies of the displayed superior intelligence, and only great ruler of France to induce his people those remained down whose abilities and to accept free trade, and if they looked to energies did not lift them higher than the America, they found high protective tariffs average level. All the arguments founded in connection with democracy. It was on the intelligence of the working classes the same in our colonies, where there had as qualifying them for the exercise of the been a large extension of the suffrage, franchise applied equally to their fitness combined with local self-government. As to serve as jurors; yet nobody contended to social and civil freedom, it was only that the qualification of jurors should be necessary to refer to what had been done lowered. Wherever there were freemen at the time of the French Revolution, and in boroughs numerous petitions were preto the state of things in France under uni-sented to the House against bribery; yet versal suffrage at the present moment, to the people to be admitted to the franchise see how far democracy promoted civil free- by this Bill were of about the same class dom. The press was completely gagged, as the freemen who were bribed. Much had and this year there had been twenty- been said about "bricks and mortar" as one warnings, six condemnations, four sup- an electoral qualification. He agreed with pressions, and two interdictions. Under the late Lord Macaulay, that where we the democratic institutions of America saw the best houses we saw the most inthey had such legislation as the Maine telligent people; but the principle of this Liquor Law; and in this country, where Bill was to give the franchise to the octhe trades unions legislated for their fel- cupants of the worst houses; so that low-workmen, the result was that the "bricks and mortar " was, in his opihouses and workshops of those who did nion, a very good qualification after all. not assent to the legislation of those unions Wherever a nation started with a high were blown up with gunpowder. In Aus- franchise, she entered, it seemed to him, tralia the influence of trades unions was on her political career with a greater more extensive than here; there they chance of success than by adopting the operated on Parliament with a view to contrary course. Belgium started with give their measures the force of law, and such a franchise, while in Italy the frana deputation from trades unions had chise was nearly the same as our own £10 urged on the Government there the pro- qualification, and it had, he maintained, priety of introducing an eight hours la- succeeded so far as she had gone. Lookbour Bill. There had been religious de-ing, on the other hand, to Australia, mocracies in Spain, Naples, and France, but they had not promoted religious freedom. No one could say that hitherto the interests of the working classes had been neglected in this country. Many Acts had been passed for the special benefit of these classes which were in direct contravention of the laws of political economy. Railway companies were compelled to carry them at a certain rate, the truck system had been made illegal, the health of towns had been promoted, Post Office savings banks

where he had many very dear friends, with a beautiful country and an unrivalled climate, what did he find to be the case? Corruption of the grossest kind prevailed in the political system. At one time certain persons in the colony wished to carry a particular point; they accordingly raised a large sum and went round to those members of the Assembly who they heard were determined to vote against the project, and to some of them they gave £10, while the greatest patriot of all found his [First Night.

The narrative went on to state

"All disguise as to the motives of the Mover and his friends was cast off. It was explicitly declared that the popular Members could not live without appropriating the public money."

A scene in the Assembly was thus de

scribed

"One hon. Gentleman was charged by another with uttering words 'grossly untrue.' The Speaker having called him to order, he substituted the words utterly false,' which was also objected to. He then tries untrue,' with no better success, and ultimately is allowed to characterize the state

ment as not in accordance with fact."

patriotism oozing out of his fingers' ends | representative system must always be reon being offered a sum of £750. Again, garded as one of first-rate importance, for a scene in the House was thus described-it was impossible to take such a measure "While all Melbourne was absorbed in a cricket into consideration without at the same match a furious debate was taking place in the time touching upon questions which lay at House, on the Motion of Mr. Barton, that a sum the very root of the Constitution, and on of money should be placed on the Estimates for the safe solution of which must depend the payment of Members." the future prosperity of the country. One point which had presented itself to his mind with a somewhat grave aspect was the prospect that had been opened to them of discussions on the great subject before them at the present time, but also of future discussions on those portions of it which had been postponed. For the first time, certainly, since the great measure of 1832, they had been called upon to consider a Bill, presented on the authority of Her Majesty's Government, and relating to the representative system, but which at the same time dealt only with one portion of the many branches into which that question divided itself. In the various measures which between 1851 and the present time had been introduced on the responsibility of the Ministers of the Crown there had always been an attempt to deal with this important subject in a comprehensive manner, and to include all the points necessary for the settlement of the question for a series of years at all events. Indeed, when private Members had on their own responsibility introduced measures dealing with only one portion of the question, the Ministers of the day had always replied that if the question was to be touched it must be settled once for all, and that it would never do to be taking it up anew year after year, because to do so would be perpetually imperilling the Constitution, or at all events keeping the public mind in an unsettled state. He invited the House to consider what was the prospect which the discussion of the franchise in counties and boroughs in England alone would open to the House? He confessed that the answer he had received from the Chancellor of the Exchequer at an earlier period of the evening with regard to the electoral statistics of another portion of the kingdom was entirely unsatisfactory. The right hon. Gentleman said that inquiries had been set on foot as to the electoral statistics of Scotland, but that he could give no undertaking as to when the Returns might be expected. As to Ireland, the right hon. Gentleman had said nothing; but taking into consideration its present exceptional condition, perhaps no very inviting prospect could be held out of

The question was, how were we to prevent democracy from gaining ground? He replied that it could only be done by the inherent excellence of our mixed Constitution. In early times it had survived the proud Cortes of Spain and the gallant States General of France, and when the French Revolution broke out this country was saved by the inherent excellence of the Constitution. We ought to show that the House of Commons was now, as it had always been, in advance of public opinion. He felt this question most strongly-more strongly, perhaps, than any other hon. Gentleman present. Others might have heard and read of democracy, but he had seen it and felt it in its deepest reality. He hoped the House would pause before it did anything which would cause us to drift into democracy, or which would do away with that Imperial Parliament by which the country had been governed so long and so well.

SIR JAMES FERGUSSON said, he wished to offer a few remarks, although he was conscious that, as this was a question of first-rate importance, the House was naturally looking to those who had had greater experience for an expression of opinion in regard to it. The interest manifested by the vast assemblage which thronged within those walls two hours previously, and the tones of just solemnity in which the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer introduced the measure proved the magnitude of the question and the large share of attention which it merited. Indeed, the discussion of a measure affecting our

legislating on the representative system proved that the Government had not exagof that portion of the kingdom. But gerated the difficulties they had to contend what was the prospect even with re- with when he proposed to devote the whole gard to England? The discussion of this of the Session to the consideration of this question, he presumed, would occupy a subject. It should not, however, be forconsiderable portion of the present Ses- gotten that not one of the off-nights could sion, and unless, by some method or other, be spared, as the Estimates, the disturbthe days at the disposal of the Government ance in Jamaica, and a dozen other imwere considerably multiplied he did not see portant subjects were awaiting discussion. how between the present time and the It was somewhat ominous, he thought, that middle of July the question could be fully about two months since the hon. Member debated and decided. Though simplicity for Birmingham gave a tolerably accurate was, according to the Chancellor of the description of what might be expected Exchequer, one of the characteristics of in the Government proposal, the acceptthe Bill, to his mind the measure was so ance of which he advocated because it complex, that in one point, at all events, could be employed as a lever for future he was unable to realize its scope and proceedings. Immediately after this speech object. Then, the right hon. Gentleman the hon. Member for Bradford (Mr. W. E. had submitted, on the responsibility of Forster), who had gained for himself an exGovernment, proposals respecting several cellent position in the House, delivered one of those franchises upon which Her Ma- of a similar character. Now, he (Sir James jesty's Ministers had cast so much ridicule Fergusson) thought it ominous that the when they were proposed by the Govern- measure introduced by the Government conment of Lord Derby. Now, this branch tained the very proposals which had been of the subject would lead to much discus- thus indicated by two Members in their sion; and certainly when exceptional fran-public addresses, and who avowed that they chises were proposed by the Government, looked upon such steps as a means of leverit was not to be expected that no others age. The right hon. Gentleman had spoken would be proposed by hon. Gentlemen in of the present Parliament as being capable that House. He presumed, also, that it of settling the question of Parliamentary was intended to consider the representa- Reform, but that was a matter of uncertive system of Scotland next Session; and tainty. Appeals might be made by the he believed that the advances which that Government to the people, new Parliacountry had made since 1832 would prove ments returned, and the country for some that its electoral system had become altered time filled with great excitement with disin its character, as much, at all events, as cussions of various branches of the queshad been the case in England. The case tion. There was a peculiarity as to the of Ireland, would, perhaps, be ready for manner in which the Bill had been brought consideration about the year 1868. It was forward. The whole measure bore the impossible, however, that though in 1866 the press of the utmost haste. The electoral Government weapon had one barrel only, statistics had been furnished, according to it might, in 1867, have two. The system the statement of the right hon. Gentleman proposed might have its merits in the eyes the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at so of a new Parliament by offering a greater late a period that even he, by his own conchance of a prolonged existence than if fession, had scarcely had time to consult the whole subject were introduced and them. On Saturday they were put into brought to an untimely end in the present the hands of the Members, and on Monday Session. But if this question were a great the Bill, professedly founded on them, was and a difficult one, as he admitted it was, brought in. It was hardly to be supposed, ought we not to follow the precedent of however, that it had been prepared in such those Ministers who advised the Crown hot haste; because, as he had explained, in 1830, and who, recognizing the mag- the Bill was, no doubt, sketched out two nitude of the question, submitted their or three months ago, and several Members measure to Parliament before Christmas, of the Government, from time to time, had and devoted the whole of the following given indications of its intentions. Session to its discussion? They did not the contrary, it would rather seem as if delay the introduction of their Bill till the at the last moment the Government had month of March, so that it could only be been surprised by the general result of the advanced a single stage before Easter. As information they had obtained, and that the right hon. Gentleman had said, the event the statistics were only meant to cover the VOL. CLXXXII. [THIRD SERIES.] D [First Night.

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