tion of the publican interest, which had been enlisted against the Government, was no doubt the chief. But all allowance made for that and other causes, it was impossible to avoid the conviction that Liberalism, for the time at all events, was on the decline.

CHAPTER IV.

The Situation in France-Democracy at Home-Mr. Bruce and the Demonstration in Trafalgar-square-Royal Visit to Dublin-Proposed Meeting in Phoenix-park -Conflict between the Nationalists and the Police-The French DeputationElection of Mr. Smyth-Mr. Gladstone on Home Rule-His Speech at WhitbyAlarmists-Mr. Gladstone at Greenwich-The "Seven Points" and New Social Alliance-Mr. Scott Russell-Sir Charles Dilke-His Career-His Speech at Newcastle-Anti-Republican Riots-The Dangerous Illness of the Prince of Wales-Excitement and Enthusiasm throughout the Country and Colonies— English Loyalty-The Last Ministerial Difficulty-Appointment of Sir R. Collier to the Privy Council, and Protest of Sir A. Cockburn-Prevalence of StrikesThe Strike at Newcastle-Strike of the Telegraph Clerks.

WITH unabating interest, however much occupied in domestic concerns and debates, did the House and the country watch the progress of events in France throughout this memorable year; scarcely less memorable in the history of that distracted nation than the year which had preceded it. It is no part of this portion of our work to dwell upon the startling events which continued to follow each other in rapid succession upon the other side of the Channel, or to do more than note their effect upon the English mind. There was nothing, unhappily, in the conduct or attitude of the French Republic to keep alive or to justify the general sympathy which the apparent hardness of the German terms, coming to crown so unparalleled a course of disaster, had begun to evoke in England; and in the hideous struggle which culminated in the events of that "Black Wednesday," when the burning streets and palaces of Paris presented so strange a contrast to the aspect of our own country, engaged in celebrating its annual Derby Day. "Sympathy" with either of the contending parties was out of the question. Only the conduct of the Versaillists, it was said and felt at the time, could have mitigated the horror and execration born of the acts of the Commune. Mr. Gladstone only gave voice to the general feeling when he rose in the House of Commons and expressed himself, "conscious there are no epithets which could adequately, or in any degree, give satisfaction to the feelings with which every man's mind and heart must be oppressed," under the impression created by events, "so entirely without any real precedent in history." The stream of English charity, however, continued unchecked; as soon as the gates of Paris were opened after the Prussian siege, and again after the capture by the Versaillists, English food and English money was poured into the unhappy

capital; and unfortunately English tourists were not slow to follow, and make a sight of the smoking ruins, and the traces of blood and murder which in that city, so strangely compounded of order and disorder, were effaced more rapidly and easily than the remains of a snowfall in the streets of London. The French were at the time in a mood rather to resent our curiosity, than to be grateful for our charities; and private acknowledgments, however handsome, from M. Thiers or M. Jules Favre, of the value of English assistance, could scarcely be accepted as indicative of a national feeling. But later in the year a society was formed in Paris for the purpose of offering to England some lasting token of French tribute. This association, composed of landed proprietors, merchants, tradesmen, and peasants, named a Committee to sit daily in the Rue Vivienne and receive signatures from Frenchmen of all classes-a separate sheet of parchment being set aside for each department, and illuminated with the arms of the department and its principal towns. The association hoped to receive between five and six million signatures before the spring, and it was proposed that the sheets should then be bound in "livres d'or," and handed over to the presidents of the different English charitable funds.

In the face of these facts France was not lightly to be accused of indifference and ingratitude, though our quiet course of prosperity at home, sheltered by the streak of silver sea, was such as might well excite the envy of our perplexed neighbours. Happily for the moment, whatever it might prove in the long run, England was in a phase of strange indifferentism. There were not wanting observers, and very acute observers, too, who predicted, some with hope and some with dread, a coming and sudden development of Communism in Great Britain, who were oracular on the dark doings of the Internationale and the growing spirit of Republicanism. But the outward manifestations of the spirit, except so far as strikes were so to be considered, were singularly weak, and even laughable; and such democrats as Messrs. Odger and Bradlaugh seemed the merest caricatures by the side of their terrible brethren in France. Mr. Odger was laughingly accused by one of his own friends, at one democratic meeting, of having been reduced to "raffling a blanket" in order to provide funds to carry on the publication of his especial democratic prints, and as laughingly admitted the imputation; while Mr. Bradlaugh, whose Republicanism was mainly confined to blasphemy, was generally disclaimed even by his friends.

One triumph the English democrats obtained in the course of the summer through the agency of Mr. Bruce. A "demonstration " in Trafalgar-square, which the democrats had announced their intention of holding, was prohibited by the police, under the orders of the Home Secretary. Formal notices of prohibition, headed with the Queen's arms, were served on each of the leaders of the movement, who resolved to hold the meeting in despite of authority. The result of the anticipated struggle was to bring together the largest gathering ever known to have met in Trafalgar-square, who

crowded the column, fountains, and square, even to the steps of St. Martin's Church on the one side, and the entrance to the barracks on the other-in place, probably, of one of the scanty bodies of people who usually attended the summons of the English Republic. Meanwhile, the Home Secretary consulted the law officer-which he had before omitted to do-and discovered that he had no legal right to interfere with the meeting at all-a power which he had proposed to exercise under a statute of George III., which was now found to be entirely inapplicable. The prohibition was accordingly withdrawn, and the meeting held, with a factitious importance attached to it, due entirely to the proceedings of Mr. Bruce.

The bad effect of this singular display of administrative weakness was enhanced by certain occurrences which took place about the same time in Dublin, on the occasion of a royal visit paid by the Prince of Wales, with Prince Arthur, and the newly-married favourites of the hour, Princess Louise and the Marquis of Lorne'. The visit had been in all respects apparently a success, except with the disaffected Nationalists, who, as a rule, kept out of the way of the royal party, and could not be conciliated by the green dress of the Princess, and the shamrock sprigs worn by Prince Arthur and the Marquis. This feeling of antagonism culminated in an attempt to hold a meeting in Phoenix-park, just before the departure of the visitors, to pray for the liberation of the military prisoners confined for Fenianism. As soon as announced the meeting was forbidden by the authorities, who on this occasion acted differently from their brothers-in-office at home, and dispersed the meeting, which, as in England, was persisted in, at the cost of the most violent riot which had been witnessed for a long time. Two prominent Nationalists, Mr. Smyth, M.P., and Mr. A. M. Sullivan, came in for a share of the violence of the police, which was excited to a considerable, if a justifiable, extent; and many others were more or less seriously injured. The promoter of the meeting afterwards issued the following address:

"Fellow-countrymen,-While yet the Princes of England are guests of the Viceroy, the green sward of the Phoenix-park, close by their residence, has been reddened with the blood of the people. The royal visit has had a battue of peaceful citizens for its finale. Yesterday evening a lawful and constitutional assembly of the people in the public park was violently interrupted by an armed body of police, who savagely set upon the unarmed and unresisting crowd of men, women, and children, and soon left many of them weltering in their blood. And why has the blood of the people been shed by police brutality? If it was a crime for the public to assemble in the park, if a crowd upon its area was an offence against our rulers for which blood alone could atone, why was not the law announced or enforced against the tens of thousands who assembled there on Friday last? Why were the people struck down on the 6th for

1 An account of this Visit will be found in the "Chronicle."

that which was invited and approved on the 4th? Fellow-citizens, the answer is instructive. The thousands were gladly allowed to assemble as a right in the park on Friday, because it might make a holyday for Royalty. If the same object yesterday was to cheer a Prince, the police would not have shed the people's blood. But as the object was not to make the pleasure of Princes, but to plead for the liberation of captives, then the police had orders to draw their bludgeons, to beat, and maim, and wound a peaceful crowd of unarmed and inoffensive people.

"Fellow-citizens, this occurred at a moment when the Republicans of London are allowed to assemble in the public parks of that city, to express sympathy with the Commune of Paris and to assail the Crown and Constitution and the law. Once, when the Government of the day ventured to prohibit a public meeting for a political purpose in a London park, the populace tore down the railings of the enclosure, and the right to hold political meetings has never since been questioned. At present the Socialist and the infidel may freely address assemblages in the London parks. It is by the same Government that permits all this in London that the people of Dublin have been assailed in the public park of the Irish metropolis. Fellow-citizens, this savage and high-handed proceeding will not be allowed to pass without fitting action. The necessary legal steps will forthwith be taken to bring to account the persons responsible for this invasion of law and public right. We appeal to you to sustain us in contesting an issue so vitally important by bringing condign punishment on the perpetrators of this disgraceful and sanguinary outrage.

"P. J. SMYTH, Chairman. J. NOLAN,

T. D. SULLIVAN. }

Hon.

Secs."

The contradictory course of action pursued in London and in Dublin certainly gave considerable colour to the complaints of the Nationalists, and could not but give rise to severe reflection on the Government, and when the immediate effect of the riot had passed away, it was to be feared that in many quarters its lessons had not been forgotten. Very marked expressions of disaffection towards England, as well as enthusiasm for France, were observable, as well in the south of Ireland as in Dublin, on the occasion of the reception given to the members of a French deputation who came to Ireland a few days later in pursuance of an arrangement between the Irish Ambulance and French Aid Committee (two charitable societies which had been prominent in the cause of France during the war) but whose visit was conveniently treated as a spontaneous compliment paid to Ireland; and the Nation newspaper, the chief organ of the Nationalist cause, proclaimed that the magnificent displays with which the Count de Flavigny and his companions were greeted, were arranged not more out of love to France than for the purpose of showing hatred to England. Other signs were not wanting. Mr. Smyth, the Nationalist, who was hurt in the

riot, was returned to Parliament unopposed for the county of Westmeath, and an excited speaker, one Captain King-Harman, took occasion by the nomination to draw a favourable comparison (in respect of his personal safety) between the fields of Westmeath and the dark lanes of Sheffield, and to declare that the electors were sending a man to Parliament to tell Mr. Gladstone that his mock legislation was a humbug, and that they would not stand a "base, bloody, and brutal Whig in this country."

The shameful acquittal of Kelly for the murder of the policeman Talbot was the last and worst feature of the Irish year; but we have described it elsewhere, and are glad to be spared the necessity for further comment here.

The advocacy of " Home Rule" grew noisier, if not more threatening, as the year went on, and it was to the great satisfaction of the country that it at length drew from Mr. Gladstone a distinct and manly repudiation of the objects of the agitation, with which he had been accused of trifling if not of sympathizing. He took occasion of the freedom of the city of Aberdeen being conferred upon him to address an assembly of some 3000 people upon the subject. "I am not quite certain," he said, "what is meant in Ireland by the cry of Home Rule. I am glad to know from the mouths of those who raised that cry what it does not mean; they have told us emphatically by their principal organs that it does not mean the breaking up into fragments this United Kingdom. (Applause.) Well, that, after all, is a most important matter. This United Kingdom, which we have endeavoured to make a United Kingdom in heart as well as in law, we trust will remain a United Kingdom. (Loud applause.) And although as human beings, the issues of great events are not in our hands, but are directed by a higher Power, yet we intend and mean, every one of us, both high and low, not those merely who meet within this hall, but those who crowd the streets of your city, and every city from the north to the south of this island-we intend that it shall remain a United Kingdom. (Loud applause). Unhappily," he concluded, "it has been one consequence of the policy towards Ireland in former times that those principles of self-reliance, those powers of local action, that energy and public spirit which are the inherited possessions of this country have been steadily enfeebled and crippled in the sister island; and therefore it is that these things, which in this country every day and every month that we live the various classes and the various communities are doing for themselves, the Irish people have not yet learnt in the same way to do; but I am bound to say they have not had the same opportunity of learning in the same degree to do for themselves, and hence they are liable to become more or less the victims from time to time of this or that political delusion. (Applause.) You would expect, when it is said that the Imperial Parliament is to be broken up, that at the very least a case should

See "Chronicle."