state the simplicity, labour, and frugality. Their labour might be light, but it was constant and various. In the spring and autumn many of the men went forth in fishing-boats, or as pilots to the ships which carried on the traffic in the smaller ports on the coasts of Sweden and Finland, and with their earnings brought back some small provision for the winter. Meanwhile tillage and harvest went on, for the gude-wives took more than a share of field toil, and allowed not the absence of their lords to check the progress of husbandry. The winter brought its peculiar avocations. There was the care of store cattle; the fishing through holes in the ice, or with deep nets underneath it; the shooting or trapping of wild-fowl or eider-duck. In the long winter nights, too, the indoor work began; the men manufactured harness, farm and domestic implements, for each man was his own artisan, and had manual skill enough to meet the needs of his labour. The women wove and spun their own coarse woollen garments, picked and sorted the down and feathers of the birds, and salted the fish. Then there were the little festivities, and the simple sports on the ice, to fill up the picture of primitive life. they had lived so long and so peacefully. To Russian policy Aland was more a military outpost than a colony: it was to be a stepping-stone-a starting-point to more extensive conquest. It was, therefore, held only by a sufficient garrison; and though the inhabitants stared, perhaps, to see grim fortresses and military buildings starting up on the shores where they had dried their nets or beached their boats, and groaned at first under the petty inflictions of martial occupation, yet the strangers were too few to effect any innovation in their social usages; and another revolution of destiny found them little altered in habits or condition. The name and locality became familiar to many who had scarcely ever heard of either before, when, in the beginning of last year, war with Russia arose before us as a great fact, and men's minds began to grow busy with the questions of assault and defence. Speculators on the Baltic operations fixed upon Aland as the first point of attack, and there was much reason in the supposition. It was at once the most assailable of the enemy's possessions, and the most easy of occupation. All the other strongholds-Abo, Revel, Helsingfors-might have been bombarded, but could not have been held except by the aid of a large army, whilst our flying squadron could have effectually cut off all communication betwixt Aland and the mainland, and secured it from attack. Its possession would have afforded our ships a convenient rendezvousa depot for coals and stores-an hospital establishment for infectious diseases—and a fold or grazing ground for the cattle, which might then have been collected from every quarter for Their time was coming. The war, the use of the fleet. Above all, its which was convulsing great principa- capture at the outset of the war would lities and powers, obtruded its move- have been hailed as a good first blow; ments even on their obscurity. In afterwards it was looked upon merely 1808, Russia seized the opportunity as a compromise for the non-performof aggression, and stretched forth her ance of more brilliant exploits. It hand towards Finland and Aland. would have shown the earnest purpose Her armies soon overran them. Swe- of the war-might have decided waverden for a time drove back the inva- ing allies, and daunted covert foes. Our sion, but in the following year both rulers and chiefs thought otherwise. were ceded to Russia, and the Alanders found themselves finally separated from the nation under whose rule The Alanders, like the Finns, were good sailors, but seem not to have been fond of roving far from home, and confined their seamanship to the navigation of their own bays and fiords, or occasional pilotage of the gulf. There was no frequent communication with the opposite shores, but there was kindness and neighbourliness on both sides. Thus year after year passed on, bringing its chronicle of births, deaths, and marriages, but little other change in the condition of the Aland group. Early in the spring of 1854 a mighty armament went forth for the Baltic-the most perfect that even the might of England had ever sent from her shores. The ships were mostly models of architecture-all were splendidly armed and fairly equipped. The great auxiliary which science had given to seamanship was well and largely applied the steam-power was abundant. The crews, too (spite of Mansion-House dinner-speeches), though not worthy of the ships, perhaps, were as good, if not better than those with which Nelson and his captains did their deeds of fame. Every ship had a body of trained gunners all had in greater or less proportion a certain number of good seamen draughts from the coast-guard furnished a class of men, not very young or active, but orderly, trustworthy, and used to discipline. These, with the marines, formed a good nucleus. The remainder, nicknamed Grahamites, were certainly an unkindly lot, the scrapings and gatherings from sea-coast and fishing villages-from the highways and byways of inland counties. Bad as these were, they were better than their like in the last war. Our fathers tell us that their ships then were manned by crews, about one-third of whom were menof-war's-men-that the rest were the scourings of jails and the sweepings of hospitals-men who were sent among them impregnated with vice and disease, and sowed therewith the seeds of mutiny and death. The arms of all description were excellent. The guns were of the newest pattern, the gun-gear of the newest adaptation. Cannon of heavier metal and superior construction occupied the places of the old rickety carronades and twenty-four-pounders, sights and ranges had exploded the old random hap-hazard plan of taking aim; an organised system of drill and firing had superseded the old muzzleto-muzzle practice; well poised cutlasses had replaced the clumsy weapons which swept the decks of the Chesapeake. The material of our armament, then, was superior in most respects, equal in all, to what it was at the proudest period of our naval power. It remained to be seen whether the qualities developed in the last war were still existing to produce new triumphs, or whether the addition of steam and the improvements in architecture, armament, and organisation, could counterbalance the lack of them. The fleet went forth. England looked with just pride on this offspring of its strength. Opportunity, conduct, command, alone seemed wanting to repeat the glory of Copenhagen or Trafalgar. The fleet was fine, and a good spirit animated the men who sailed therein. There was no violent enthusiasm, but an earnest strong tone of feeling pervaded all ranks. There was enough of experience gathered in the last war, and in the petty struggles which have since given such frequent opportunities to naval action-enough of young impulse and latent enterprise to meet any emergency- and all hands had a steady confidence in themselves and in the force they wielded. The prestige of the past had not quite lost its inspiration: the names of the old battles had still for many a stirring sound; and the record of the old deeds still said to many a heart, "Go and do likewise." There were few who did not believe that the campaign would swell the old annals, and add a glorious day or two to the calendar of victories. Kiöge Bay was the first rendezvous, and there the rodomontade signal about sharpening cutlasses cast the first shade of doubt over the general confidence. It contrasted harshly with the old Nelson signal, so expressive and so sublime in its simplicity, which had been made so familiar to men's eyes and minds that it seemed the national preparation for battle. But the sight which the combined fleets of France and England presented, when the ships assembled about the middle of June, was one to dispel all doubt and place hope in the ascendant. Twenty-nine sail of the line floated on the waters of the Baltic. Powerful steam-frigates formed an advanced guard, and a host of steamers went hither and thither to reconnoitre, pilot, or blockade, as occasion required. The gulfs were now open, reconnoissances had been made along the shores, and the time for action seemed near at hand. Expectation was at the highest pitch. Conjecture ranged over every possible and impossible point of attack. The 1855.] Aland-The Baltic in 1854. more ardent spirits would be satisfied with nothing less than Cronstadt; others would have been content with Revel or Bomarsund as a beginning. The movements of the fleets now indicated one project, now another. First, there was the anchoring in Baro Sound, from the islands around which could be seen the towers of Helsingfors, the low battlements of Sveaborg, and the ships lying temptingly behind them. Then there was the grand demonstration before Cronstadt. The French fleet and part of the English-a division being left to watch Helsingfors-sailed and steamed up the Gulf of Finland, and lay for some days within sight of the fortress, challenging the enemy to come fortha challenge they very wisely declined. Meanwhile, steamers daily carried reconnoitring parties of admirals and official dignitaries as close to the batteries as prudence allowed. Lesser men, who had no steamers at command, were content to scan the position and defences of this Carthago delenda from deck or mast-head. The attack was finally pronounced to be impossible, and so, after the place had been well looked at, the ships went back again. Thus demonstration succeeded de- At last came the report that Bom- with their skill and materials, and a man to command? The answer to these questions soon came, in the certain intelligence that French troops were embarking in English line-ofbattle ships at Calais, and that no less a man than Baraguay D'Hilliers had been appointed to command the expedition. There was then work to be done, and the military jealousy which thought "the fewer men the greater share of honour," was lost in the conviction that the year would not close without an event of war. Led-Sund, the southernmost anchorage in which the intricate passage leading to Bomarsund terminated, was to be the rendezvous, and thither the French, with a portion of the English fleet consisting of four block-ships and six liners-in all, twenty sail of the line, accompanied by a host of steamers-repaired towards the end of July, to await the arrival of the land forces. The Aland summer was at its height. The sun shone brightly on the calm broad basin of Led-Sund, and the rocky islets which studded it, throwing a sparkle on the waters, and striking out strange lights from the dark foliage of the pines. The scene was A cosy villa or peaceful and pretty. farmhouse with its large outbuildings, peeped forth from green pleasant nooks along the shore; and far down in quiet coves, market and fishing boats were lying on the beach; ponies were grazing on the islets; the windmills were working, and smoke arose from the chimneys-all giving token of continued occupation. The inhabitants either anticipated no danger, or thought it was vain to fly from it. Each day now brought an event in the arrival of ships of war, filled with the redoubted soldiers of France, and we scanned curiously the looks and demeanour of our future allies-the men whose soldiership was so famous. Lusty English cheers rang out their welcome; the flags of France and England lapped their folds over each other; boats pulled to and fro; cannon thundered out their ceremonial, and the national airs, "Partant pour la Syrie,” and “God save the Queen,' became familiar sounds. The constant movement, the excitement, the variety and brilliancy of the scene, 19 heightened by the bright sunshine, and the strains of martial music floating through the air, rather suggested the idea of a tournament or some gala spectacle, than of grim preparations for war. The first onward movement was made by the four block-ships, which were detached from the main body under Admiral Chads, to take up a position in front of Bomarsund, but beyond the reach of its guns. Light steamers patrolled betwixt and around the islands, to cut off reinforcements or supplies from the Finnish shores. Thus the investment was effectually completed. The non-arrival of transports from France, with stores and matériel, caused now a short delay. The interval was employed by the authorities in going up and down-up and down, to spy the forts hopeful, perhaps, that some weak point would disclose itself; but there they stood in their granite solidity, defying reconnoissance, and inviting attack. Let us follow in the wake of the officials, and have a look for ourselves. On we steam from one bay into another, then on through a narrow passage, where the rocks rise darkly and precipitously on either side, and the pines throw their shadows across us; then follow a thread-like line midst a mosaic-work of islets; then on, on again through narrow passage and islet mosaic-works alternately, until we anchor in the harbour of Bomarsund. A first glance shows how well chosen the spot was as a site for the arsenals, dockyards, and garrisons of a power which aimed at controlling and commanding the Baltic Seas. It was a good fulcrum for the lever which was to lift and shake the northern kingdoms. The harbour is snug and secure, and has the advantage of spacious outer anchorages in Lumpar Bay and LedSund. The only access from the southward is the passage we have described, which, though offering sufficient depth of water, is difficult to navigate, from its intricacy and narrowness. The northern entrance, straitened by the position of Presto Island, may be easily defended. Thus, it may be seen, that a naval power possessing one shore of the Gulf of Bothnia, and coveting the other, as well as a preponderance in the Baltic, could not establish a more politic base of operations. The Landward, the position was equally advantageous. Natural enclosures restricted its defence within narrow limits. At the distance of a few miles, an arm of the sea, in conjunction with a chain of lochs, ran from north to south, and almost isolated the promontory on which the fortresses stood, leaving only here and there a narrow causeway as means of communication. Nearer, a similar enclosure offered a second barrier. A third may be said to exist in a rocky ridge which stretches from a point of the northern entrance to the sea-shore, forming almost a line of circumvallation. Art had fixed on this last as the point for its defences. At either extremity of the ridge was built a round tower, and below, on the sea-shore, stood the main work, a large fortified barracks. These three formed an irregular sort of triangle, of which the main work was the apex. On the shores of Presto Island, opposite the northern tower, or Fort Nortike, was another, and the two effectually guarded the entrance. guns of Nortike also swept the rear of the main work, and ranged partially over the country beyond the ridge. The main work defended the harbour, and was flanked by the south or Tsee tower. The main road from Castelholm, which passed to the right of the Tsee fort was only partially commanded by it, and some broken rugged ground around it afforded ready cover for an approach. This was the weak point of the land defence, but it would soon have been strengthened by the completion of an immense pile of fortified buildings, which were to carry on the line towards the sea. The plan was faulty too, in respect that, though the fire of the forts could be well and scientifically combined against an attack by sea, it could not, from their detached position and want of outworks, be concentrated on any one point on the land side, and that therefore the forts were exposed to be taken in detail. Such was the position. The works themselves were novelties in European fortification, and demand a particular description, which may, perhaps, be better given here than hereafter. The round towers were similar in construction, and differed little in size. With their red granite fronts and fine smooth masonry, they presented a formidable appearance of solidity; but, as usual with things Russian, the outward semblance was a sham. The granite was only two feet thick, the rest all rubble and brick. The dimensions of Fort Tsee will answer nearly for all. Its height was about sixty feet, its diameter sixty yards. The outer wall was six feet thick, and the distance from it to the inner one was about sixty-five. Small space, it may be thought, including the thickness of two walls, for the working of guns and the habitation of men; yet there seemed room enough. In the centre was a large court, open to the sky. All the forts had two tiers of casemated guns. The upper was the principal, and, it may be said, the only battery; for the lower tier being within six or seven feet of the ground, its embrasures would offer a tempting opening for assault, and were therefore blocked up with brickwork, which was pierced, however, with loopholes for musketry. In two or three embrasures the guns were retained. singular feature of the buildings was a sloping roof of sheet iron, from which protruded windows with wooden shutters, like those in attics. The entrance was by a narrow doorway, defended in front by a barricade of sand-bags and strong palisades, whilst yawning overhead was an ugly circular hole, through which missiles might be hurled on a storming party. This machicoulis was formed by a slide, which could be drawn backwards and forwards over the opening, and, though clumsily constructed, might have been turned to mischievous effect. The building within was divided into compartments by partition-walls; and entrances from the court led into the galleries, where the guns stood in their casemate chambers, separated by thick blocks of masonry, and where also were the apartments apportioned to the uses of the garrison. Above the upper tier was a bomb-proof floor, and over it stretched the iron roof. This was evidently used as a sleeping-place by the common soldiers, and the windows were intended as much for the pur A poses of ventilation as for musketry, though small wall-pieces stood in some of them. Such were the towers. They mounted from twenty to twenty-four guns, chiefly eighteen or twenty-four pounders. A few thirty-twos were found in them, but none of greater calibre. The guns, too, were of old pattern, and their carriages of rude construction. The principle on which the towers were constructed gave some advantages, but was also productive of much weakness and defect. The guns could certainly range in every direction, but it was not possible to concentrate more than four or five, and an assailant would consequently be enabled to bring his battery to bear against any one point without being opposed to more than a fourth of the strength of the fortress. In addition to this there were the usual disadvantages of casemated batteries, the want of a free passage for the smoke, the consequent difficulty of keeping up a rapid fire, and the murderous effect produced by a shot entering through the embrasures into the confined space of the galleries. The main work was on a much larger scale, and rather more irregular, as its purpose was to defend the harbour on every side; and it was therefore necessary that its plan should in some way follow the lay of the shore. It was crescent-shaped, inclining to a sort of gorge at either end, and the rear was closed by a curtain, with a small horse-shoe work abutting from it. The guns from this face partially flanked the towers, and commanded some parts of the ridge. The internal arrangements were the same as in the round towers. The double tier of casemates, the galleries, and the iron roof were all repeated. This work had ninety-two guns, and was capable of holding three thousand men. Betwixt it and Fort Tsee were the masses of unfinished buildings, which, when completed, would have far exceeded all the other fortifications in magnitude and strength. Thus, then, stood the defensive force of Russia. There was one large fortress, and three round towers, placed all in commanding positions, armed with one hundred and eighty guns, |