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he has bought, and succeeds in educating his children only by the most severe toil. Let him have his half-acre or acre of grapes, from which he would get, possibly $1,500,– $2,000 has been realized, — surely

$300 per annum ; and you can see how that moment you lift that man, who was a slave to the ground, to competency and independence. His income will then give him leisure for reading, enable him to buy books and coltivate his love for art and literature, and make him such a man as an intelligent American citizen ought to be. I confess, gentlemen, that this aspect of the case gives me more pleasure than all others.”

Mr. Bull's theories and hopes might be passed by as visionary, if we did not know that his arguments and example have induced many a farmer in his immediate neighborhood and throughout the State to plant vineyards, and thus to enjoy the profits of this new enterprise.

In the times to which we look forward the grapes that we prize now will be set aside for earlier and better kinds ; the . wines whose excellence is known now but to a few will be common property; and even in these Northeastern States we shall look neither to Ohio for our grapes, nor to Germany for our wines.

From Maine to Texas zealous experimenters are at work planting seeds and striving to get varieties of the grape better than any we now possess. Some carefully plant a few seeds in a flower-pot in their parlor, while others drill them in like wheat, by the bushel, over broad acres. Some are earnest in the belief that the great grape of the country will be a hybrid, others that it will be the result of direct planting, and all are pressing towards a common goal with so much energy and hope that we cannot doubt that the triumphs of the past decade, brilliant as they are, will be eclipsed by those of the next ten years. We would aid the work by precept and example, and invite our readers to join us in what has proved a source of yearly increasing satisfaction and pleasure.

“ In manibus terræ : non hic vos carmine ficto
Atque per ambages et longa exorsa tenebo."

J. M. MERRICK, JR.

ART. VI. - HUNGARY AND ROUMANIA.

SOME twenty years ago, in the full flush of European revolutions, and again shortly before that dark deed which brought about the downfall of republican freedom in France, the name of Hungary was, if I mistake not, a household word among the people of the United States, a romantic as well as a political interest having attached itself to that “ War of Independence” round whose heroes and martyrs even the writers of contemporary history, in general so critically inclined, had already cast a poetic halo.

Lord Palmerston, when called upon to recognize Hungarian independence, replied that he knew only an “ Austrian Empire”; but the United States were not indisposed to enter into relations of international amity with the new commonwealth. To the United States it was owing that those Magyar exiles who had found a shelter, though clogged with restrictions on their personal freedom, on Turkish soil, were not kept for an indefinite time in such confinement as would have suited the purposes of the Czar and the Kaiser, but were released and enabled to enjoy the welcome offered them by free nations. In the belief that the vicissitudes of fortune which Hungary has since experienced, and her position and prospects now that she has reattained self-government in a constitutional, if not in the more complete democratic form, will have an interest for Americans, I shall give some account of the political resurrection of the Hungarian realm, as well as of the perils which yet surround it, in consequence of its relations to what is called the “ Eastern question.”

When Lord Palmerston said, in 1849, that he knew no Hungary, but only an “ Austrian Empire,” he repeated the phrase he had used some eighteen or nineteen years before, on the occasion of the Polish war of independence. Then he had declared that he knew no Poland, but only “ Russian dominions.” In the mouth of one whom it was the fashion with ultra-conservatives to style “Lord Firebrand,” that expression may have seemed strange enough ; but I believe it could be explained, after all, by his earlier relations with Mus

covite diplomacy, though such an explanation would reflect little credit on the memory of that able and powerful, but unprincipled statesman. At all events, he was guilty of a fallacy both in the case of the “Kingdom of Poland” and in that of Hungary, when endeavoring to make those countries appear simply as provinces of the respective “empires" governed by the houses of Romanoff and Habsburg. Even poor, crushed Poland, partitioned as she had been among three powers, had yet preserved some signs of national life and some distinct institutions of her own. In that part of Poland which was joined to Russia, the Constitution of 1815, engrafted upon that of 1791, established representative government, there being then two houses of parliament and a responsible ministry, as well as a separate army organization, the monarch having the title of “ King of Poland," and the administration being carried on, during his absence, by a viceroy. The rising which began at Warsaw on November 29, 1830, and which soon assumed the proportions of a war, could therefore under no circumstances be regarded as a simple revolt of a “province" against an “empire.” It was the movement of a distinct nation against an oppressive ruler, who, from the fact of his standing at the head also of another nation of vast military resources, was able to crush the feebler, freedom-loving power.

So it was with Hungary. Although under the same rulers as the other countries comprised in the “ Austrian Empire,” Hungary, down to 1849, had been a separate kingdom as regarded its constitution and the tenure of the royal power; the confines of the realm were clearly marked, and its territory was girdled by a cordon of custom-houses, which formed a commercial division, in addition to the political one, between the countries on the two sides of the boundary line. A “province of the “ Austrian Empire,” Hungary therefore was not. The very name of Kaiserthum or Kaiser-Staat, as applied to Austria, only dates from the beginning of the present century, when Francis was compelled, through the misfortunes of war in the struggle against Napoleon, to lay down his imperial German dignity, which had become a mere shadow, and thereupon, as a slight solace, assumed the title of Austrian Emperor, or Kaiser. Constitutionally speaking, Hungary was not affected - NO. 224.

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VOL. CIX.

thereby. For Hungary, the Austrian emperor remained simply a “king,” though in some undefined way he had provided himself with an additional title, which the folly of men is wont to regard as an appellation superior to that of “ king.

Having boundaries, representative institutions, and a government of its own, though connected by dynastic and other relations with Austria proper, Hungary, in 1848-49, first strove to improve its Constitution in the sense of greater parliamentary freedom and of political equality among the various races that dwell within the realm. Royalty was not to be done away with, but only to be restricted in its privileges. Before resorting to the “extreme". step of taking the management of their affairs into their own hands, nations generally require some act of intolerable oppression or treachery to be committed against them by their rulers. It was the doubledealing policy of the Habsburgs that drove the Hungarians into a war, during which the reigning house was declared to have forfeited its rights; the way being thus paved for the establishment of a republic, had it not been that the rising liberties of the people were crushed under the weight of a double military attack from abroad, combined with reactionary movements fostered by Imperial statecraft within. The character of a mere

mere “province” of the “ Austrian Empire,” which Lord Palmerston falsely attributed to Hungary, at a time when she seemed destined to acquire full independence, was in reality imposed upon that country through the sad issue of the war. In return for the declaration resolved upon at Debreczin, which pronounced the forfeiture of the

crown of St. Stephen” by the house of Habsburg-Lorraine, the Kaiser now declared the Hungarians to have forfeited their autonomy and their constitution through the fact of the rebellion. It was done on the Verwirkungs-Theorie, to use the special phraseology of Imperial officials. Henceforth Hungary was to be governed according to the pleasure of the monarch, the whole machinery of representative institutions, both in state affairs and in local matters, having been abolished by a stroke of the pen, or rather of the sword. “ Car tel est notre plaisir" — that haughty expression of Norman

French despotism, which even yet lingers in the official inter

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course between the English Crown and its Parliament, though the spirit of government in England has fortunately changed for the better was to be made a harsh truth in the once selfgoverned Magyar realm.

Then, for the first time, arose that Imperialist doctrine which would not acknowledge any longer the distinctions between the several component parts of the “ Austrian Empire," - distinctions which are so broadly stamped upon them either by the differences of national character or by the influence of historical grouping. There was to be a “centralized Austria”

. under the black-yellow flag, held together by the iron bands of arbitrary rule, with no trace of national rights or popular liberties left standing. Robert Blum, Messenhauser, and the other champions of German democracy, were in their bloody graves at Vienna. On the gallows at Arad the hangman of his Imperial, Royal, and Apostolic Majesty had strung up eminent Magyar generals and statesmen by the dozen. In Italy the work of oppression was completed by numberless court-martial fusillades. There was consequently no impediment to the fulfilment of the Kaiser's desires. At least so it appeared for a time to the cabinet politicians of Vienna.

Yet the scheme of triumphant tyranny would not work. In the face of their victor,- who, the better to mark the relation in which he stood to the people of his capital, would never (from 1848 down to 1860) appear in public in any other than military garb, – the Viennese preserved an attitude of sullenness the more galling to the court because it formed so strong a contrast to the good-natured and forgiving temper of that pleasure-loving but withal free-minded population. Year after year passed by, but the Viennese would still remember their martyrs. Theirs is the only town in Europe which can boast of a monument worthy of the champions of the popular cause that fell in the street fights of the early part of 1848. It is a granite obelisk, towering aloft like a colossal finger of warning. To the honor of the Viennese be it said that, at the very time when oppression was rampant, they matured the proposition for the erection of that noble memorial. . Nay, when the government, on being applied to by the communal council, resused to allow a suitable inscription to be placed on

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