the Athenians, whose ships constituted more than one half of the fleet, should separate themselves from the allies, as their general had taken occasion to insinuate.* A council of war was also held on the side of the Persians, in order to determine whether they should hazard a naval engagement. Xerxes himself also went on board the fleet to take the advice of his captains and officers; who were all unanimous for the battle, because they knew it was agreeable to the king's inclination. Queen Artemisia was the only person who opposed that resolution. She represented the dangerous consequences of coming to blows with people much more conversant and more expert in maritime affairs than the Persians; alleging, that the loss of a battle at sea would be attended with the ruin of their land-army: whereas, by protracting the war, and approaching Peloponnesus, they would create jealousies and divisions among their enemies, or rather augment the division already very great among them: that the confederates in that case would not fail to separate from one another, to return and defend their respective countries; and that then the king without difficulty, and almost without striking a blow, might make himself master of all Greece. This wise advice was not followed, and a battle was resolved upon.† Xerxes, imputing the ill success of all his former engagements at sea to his own absence, was resolved to be a witness of this from the top of an eminence, where he caused a throne to be erected for that purpose. This might have contributed in some measure to animate his forces: but there is another much more sure and effectual means of doing it; I mean, by the prince's real presence and example, when he himself shares in the danger, and thereby shows himself worthy of being the soul and head of a brave and numerous body of men ready to die for his service. A prince that has not this sort of fortitude, which nothing can shake, and which even takes new vigour from danger, may nevertheless be endued with other excellent qualities, but then he is by no means proper to command an army. No qualification whatever can supply the want of courage in a general; and the more he labours to show the appearance of it, when he has not the reality, the more he discovers his cowardice and fear. There is, it must be owned, a vast difference between a general officer and a private soldier. Xerxes ought not to have exposed his person otherwise than became a prince; that is to say, as the head, not as the hand; as he whose business it is to direct and give orders, not as those who are to put them in execution. But to keep himself entirely at a distance from danger, and to act no other part than that of a spectator, was really renouncing the quality and office of a general. Themistocles, knowing that some of the commanders in the Grecian fleet still entertained thoughts of sailing towards the isthmus, contrived to have notice secretly given to Xerxes, that as the Grecian allies were now assembled together in one place, it would be an easy matter for him to subdue and destroy them altogether; whereas, if they once separated from one another, as they were about to do, he might never meet with another opportunity so favourable. The king adopted this opinion; and immediately commanded a great number of his vessels to surround Salamin by night, in order to make it impracticable for the Greeks to quit their post.§ It was not perceived among the Grecians that their army was surrounded in this manner. Aristides came the same night from Ægina, where he had some forces under his command, and with very great danger passed through the whole fleet of the enemy. When he came to the tent of Themistocles he took him aside, and spoke to him in the following manner: "If we are wise, Themistocles, we shall from henceforward lay aside the vain and childish dissension that has hitherto existed between us, and strive, with a more noble and use *Herod. I. viii. c. 56-65. Plut in Themist. p. 117. † Herod. 1. viii. c. 67-70. Quanto magis occultare ac abdere pavorem nitebantur, manifestius, pavidi.-Tacit. Hist. Herod. 1. viii. c. 74-78. . ful emulation, which of us shall render the best service to his country; you by commanding, and doing the duty of a wise and able captain, and I by obeying your orders, and by assisting you with my person and advice." He then informed him of the army's being surrounded with the ships of the Persians, and warmly exhorted him to give them battle, without delay. Themistocles, extremely astonished at such magnanimity, and such noble and generous frankness, was somewhat ashamed that he had suffered himself to be so much excelled by his rival; but, without being ashamed to own it, he promised Aristides, that he would henceforward imitate his generosity, and even exceed it, if it were possible. in the whole of his future conduct. Then, after having imparted to him the stratagem he had contrived, to deceive the barbarian, he desired him to go in person to Eurybiades, in order to convince him that there was no other means of safety than to engage the enemy by sea at Salamin; which commission Aristides executed with pleasure and success; for he was in great credit and esteem with that general.* Both sides therefore prepared themselves for the battle. The Grecian fleet consisted of three hundred and eighty sail of ships, which in every thing followed the direction and orders of Themistocles. As nothing escaped his vigilance, and as, like an able commander, he knew how to improve every circumstance and incident to advantage, before he would begin the engagement, he waited till a certain wind, which rose regularly every day at a certain hour, and which was directly contrary to the enemy, began to blow. As soon as this wind rose, the signal was given for battle. The Persians, who knew that their king had his eyes upon them, advanced with such courage and impetuosity, as were capable of striking an enemy with terror. But the heat of the first attack quickly abated, when they came to be engaged. Every thing was against them; the wind, which blew directly in their faces; the height, and the heaviness of their vessels, which could not move and turn without great difficulty; and even the number of their ships, which was so far from being of use to them, that it only served to embarrass them in a place so strait and narrow as that they fought in: whereas, on the side of the Grecians, every thing was done with good order, and without hurry or confusion; because they were all directed by one commander. The fonians, whom Themistocles had advised, by characters engraven upon stones along the coasts of Euboea, to remember from whom they derived their origin, were the first that betook themselves to flight, and were quickly followed by the rest of the fleet. But queen Artemisia distinguished herself by incredible efforts of resolution and courage, so that Xerxes, when he saw in what manner she behaved herself, cried out, that the men had behaved like women in this engagement, and that the women had showed the courage of men.† The Athenians, being enraged that a woman had dared to appear in arms against them, had promised a reward of ten thousand drachms, to any one that should be able to take her alive : but she had the good fortune to escape their pursuit. If they had taken her, she could have deserved nothing from them but the highest commendations, and the most honourable and generous treatment.‡ The manner in which that queen escaped ought not to be omitted.§ Seeing herself warmly pursued by an Athenian ship, from which it seemed impossible for her to escape, she hung out Grecian colours, and attacked one of the Per *Plut. in Arist. p. 323. Herod. 1. viii. c. 78-82. † Οἱ μὲν ἄνδρες γεγόνασι μοι γυναίκες, αἱ δε γυναίκες άνδρες. Artemisia inter primos duces bellum acerrimes sciebat. Quippe, ut in viro muliebrem timorem, ita in muliere virilem audaciam cerneres.-Just. 1. ii. c. 12. Herod. 1. viii. c. 84-96. It appears that Artemisia valued herself no less upon stratagem than courage, and at the same time was not very delicate in the choice of the measures she used. It is said, that being desirous of seizing Latmus, a small city of Caria, that lay very commodiously for her, she put her troops in ambush, and, under pretence of celebrating the feast of the mother of the gods, in a wood consecrated to her near that city. she repaired thither with a great train of eunuchs, women, drums, and trumpets. The inhabitants ran in throngs to see that religious ceremony; and in the mean time Artemisia's troops took possession of the place.-Polyen. Stratag. 1. viii. c. 53. sian vessels, on board of which was Damasithymus, king of Calynda,* with whom she had some difference, and sunk it: this made her pursuers believe that her ship was one of the Grecian fleet, and they gave up the chase. Such was the success of the battle of Salamin, one of the most memorable actions related in ancient history, and which has, and will render the name and courage of the Grecians for ever famous. A great number of the Persian ships were taken, and a much greater sunk on this occasion. Many of their allies, who dreaded the king's cruelty no less than the enemy, made the best of their way into their own country. Themistocles, in a secret conversation with Aristides, proposed to his consideration, in order to sound him and to learn his true sentiments, whether it would not be proper for them to send some vessels to break down the bridge which Xerxes had caused to be built; to the end, says he, that we may take Asia into Europe: but though he made this proposal, he was far from approving it. Aristides, believing him to be in earnest, argued very warmly and strenuously against any such project, and represented to him how dangerous it was to reduce so powerful an enemy to despair, from whom it was their interest to deliver themselves as soon as possible. Themistocles seemed to acquiesce in his reasons; and in order to hasten the king's departure contrived to have him secretly informed, that the Grecians designed to break down the bridge. The object Themistocles seems to have had in view by this feigned confidence, was to strengthen himself with Aristides' opinion, which was of great weight against that of the other generals, in case they inclined to go and break down the bridge. It may be too, that he aimed at guarding himself by this means against the ill will of his enemies, who might one day accuse him of treason before the people, if ever they came to know that he had been the author of that secret advice to Xerxes. This prince, being alarmed with such news, made the best use he could of his time, and set out by night, leaving Mardonius behind him, with an army of three hundred thousand men in order if possible to reduce Greece. The Grecians, who expected that Xerxes would come to another engagement the next day, understanding that he had fled, pursued him as fast as they could, but to no purpose. They had destroyed two hundred of the enemy's ships besides those which they had taken. The remainder of the Persian fleet, after having suffered extremely by the winds in their passage, retired towards the coast of Asia, and entered into the port of Cuma, a city in Æolia, where they passed the winter, without daring afterwards to return into Greece.§ Xerxes took the rest of his army along with him and marched by the way of the Hellespont. As no provisions had been previously prepared for them, they underwent great hardships during their whole march, which lasted forty-five days. After having consumed all the fruits they could find, the soldiers were obliged to live upon herbs, and even upon the bark and leaves of trees. This occasioned a great sickness in the army, and great numbers died of fluxes and the plague. The king, through eagerness and impatience to make his escape, left his army behind him, and travelled on before with a small retinue, in order to reach the bridge with the greater expedition; but when he arrived at the place, he found the bridge broken down by the violence of the waves, in a great tempest that had happened, and was reduced to the necessity of passing the strait in a cock-boat. This scene was to show mankind the mutability of all earthly things and the instability of human greatness; a prince, whose armies and fleets but a short time before, the land and sea were scarcely able to contain, now stealing away in a little boat, almost without any servants or attendants !|| Such was the event and success of Xerxes's expedition against Greece. A city of Lycia. Herod. I. viii. c. 115–120. † Herod. 1. viii. c. 37, 38. Polyæn. 1. viii. c. 53. Idem, c. 130. Erat res spectaculo digna, et æstimationes sortis humanæ, rerum varietate miranda, in exiguo latentem videre navigio, quem paulo ante vix æquor omne capiebat; carentem etiam omni servorum ministerio, cujus exercitus, prooter multitudinem, terris graves erant.-Justin. 1. ii. c. 13. If we compare Xerxes with himself at different times and on different occa sions, we shall hardly know him for the same man. When affairs were under consideration and debate, no person could show more courage and intrepidity than this prince; he is surprised, and even offended, if any one foresees the least difficulty in the execution of his projects, or shows any apprehension concerning events. But when he comes to the point of execution, and to the hour of danger, he flies like a coward, and thinks of nothing but saving his own life and person. Here we have a sensible and evident proof of the difference between true courage, which is never destitute of prudence, and temerity, always blind and presumptuous. A wise and great prince weighs every thing, and examines all circumstances, before he enters into a war, of which he is not afraid, but which at the same time he does not desire; and when the time of action is come, the sight of danger serves only to animate his courage." Presumption inverts this order. When she has introduced assurance and boldness where wisdom and circumspection ought to preside, she admits fear and despair where courage and intrepidity ought to be exerted.† The first care of the Grecians after the battle of Salamin, was to send the first fruits of the rich spoil they had taken to Delphos. Cimon, who was then very young, signalized himself in a particular manner in that engagement, and performed actions of such distinguished valour, as acquired him a great reputation, and made him be considered from henceforth as a citizen that would be capable of rendering the most important services to his country on future occasions.t But Themistocles carried off almost all the honour of this victory, which was the most signal that ever the Grecians obtained over the Persians. The force of truth obliged even those who envied his glory most, to render him this testimony. It was a custom in Greece, that after a battle, the commanding officers should declare who had distinguished themselves most, by writing in a paper the name of the man who had merited the first prize, and of him who had merited the second.§ On this occasion, by a judgment which shows the good opinion natural for every man to have of himself, each officer concerned adjudged the first rank to himself, and allowed the second to Themistocles, which was indeed giving him the preference to them all. The Lacedæmonians, having carried him to Sparta, in order to pay him the honours due to his merit, decreed to their general Eurybiades the prize of valour, and to Themistocles that of wisdom, which was a crown of olive for both of them. They also made a present to Themistocles of the finest chariot in the city; and on his departure sent three hundred young men of the most considerable families to wait upon him to the frontiers: an honour they had never before shown to any person whatever. But what gave him a still more sensible pleasure, were the public acclamations he received at the first Olympic games that were celebrated after the battle of Salamin, where all the people of Greece were met together. As soon as he appeared, the whole assembly rose up to do him honour: nobody regarded either the games or the combats; Themistocles was the only object of attention. The eyes of all the company were fixed upon him, and every person was eager to show him and point him out to the strangers that did not know him. He acknowledged afterwards, to his friends, that he looked upon that day as the happiest of his life; that he had never tasted any joy so sensible and so transporting; and that this reward, the genuine fruit of his labours exceeded all his desires. The reader has undoubtedly observed in Themistocles two or three principal strokes of his character, which entitle him to be ranked among the greatest men. The design which he formed and executed, of making the whole force Non times bella, non provocas.-Plin. de Traj. Fortissimus in ipso discrimine, qui ante discrimen quietissimus.-Tacit. Hist. l. i. c. 14. † Ante discrimen feroces, in periculo pavidi.-Tacit Hist. 1. c. 68. Herod. 1. vii. c. 122, 125. Plut. in Themist. p. 120. of Athens maritime, showed him to have a superior genius, capable of the highest views, penetrating into futurity, and judicious in seizing the decisive moment in great affairs. As the territory belonging to Athens was of a barren nature and small extent, he rightly conceived, that the only way that city had to enrich and aggrandize herself was by sea. And indeed, that scheme may justly be looked upon as the source and cause of all those great events, which subsequently raised the republic of Athens to so flourishing a condition. But in my opinion, though this wisdom and foresight is a most excellent and valuable talent, yet it is infinitely less meritorious than that uncommon temper and moderation, which Themistocles showed on two critical occasions, when Greece had been utterly undone, if he had listened to the dictates of an illjudged ambition, and had piqued himself upon a false point of honour, as is usual among persons of his age and profession. The first of these occasions was, when, notwithstanding the crying injustice that was committed, both in regard to the republic of which he was a member, and to his own person, in appointing a Lacedæmonian generalissimo of the fleet, he exhorted and prevailed with the Athenians to desist from their pretensions, however justly founded, in order to prevent the fatal effects with which a division among the confederates must have been necessarily attended. And what an admirable instance did he give of his presence of mind and coolness of temper, when the same Eurybiades not only insulted him with harsh and offensive language, but lifted up his cane at him in a menacing manner! Let it be remembered at the same time, that Themistocles was then but young; that he was full of an ardent ambition for glory; that he was commander of a numerous fleet; and that he had right and reason on his side. How would our young officers behave on a like occasion? Themistocles bore all patiently, and the victory of Salamin was the fruit of his patience. As to Aristides, I shall hereafter have occasion to speak more extensively upon his character and merit. He was, properly speaking, the man of the commonwealth; provided that was well and faithfully served, he was very little concerned by whom it was done. The merit of others was far from offending him; but rather, became his own by the approbation and encouragement he gave it. We have seen him make his way through the enemy's fleet, at the peril of his life, in order to give Themistocles some good intelligence and advice: and Plutarch takes notice, that during all the time the latter had the command, Aristides assisted him, on all occasions, with his counsel and influence, notwithstanding he had reason to look upon him not only as his rival, but his enemy.* Let us compare this nobleness and greatness of soul with the littleness of spirit and meanness of those men, who are so nice, punctilious, and jealous in regard to command; who are unwilling to assist their colleagues, using all their endeavours and industry to engross the glory of every thing to themselves; always ready to sacrifice the public to their private interests, or to suffer their rivals to commit blunders, that they themselves may reap advantage from them. On the very same day that the action at Thermopyle happened, the formidable army of the Carthaginians, which consisted of three hundred thousand men, was entirely defeated by Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse. Herodotus places this battle on the same day with that of Salamin. The circumstances of that victory in Sicily I have related in the history of the Carthaginians.† After the battle of Salamin, the Grecians being returned from pursuing the Persians, Themistocles sailed to all the islands that had declared for them, to levy contributions and exact money from them. The first he began with was that of Andros, from whose inhabitants he required a considerable sum, speaking to them in this manner: "I come to you accompanied with two powerful divinities, Persuasion and Force." The answer they made him was: We also * Πάντα συνέπραττε καὶ συνεβέλευεν, ἐνδοξότατον ἐπὶ σωτηρία κοινῇ ποιῶν τὸν ἔχθισον.-In Vit. Arist. p. 923. Herod. 1. vii. c. 165, 167. |