:

West-Indies we all know how, in fact, of late, obstacles have been thrown in the way of individual manumissions. But upon this point I do not wish at this time to go into any unnecessary discussion. I will only, therefore, in conclusion, remind the House and my right hon. friend, that the grand point to be kept in mind is, that the great changes that are contemplated, and the benefits resulting from them, must not only be recommended strongly to the colonial assemblies, but the government at home must see them carried into effect. It is a part of the duty of government to see that what is held out in the resolutions is in truth performed. I do not wish to state what is invidious; but it is necessary that something should be mentioned on this head, because I must say, without reserve, that hitherto neither government nor parliament itself has done its duty.

racter of the eloquence of the hon. gentleman who has just sat down, the topics also on which he has dwelt in his speech are calculated to appeal so forcibly to all the best feelings of his hearers, that it requires no ordinary effort to rise in opposition to him on such a subject. But, though I am sufficiently conscious of this disadvantage, and of the still greater disadvantage of my own insufficiency, I feel myself called upon by a yet stronger sense of duty towards the class of persons to which I belong, whose interests are deeply implicated in this question, to stand up in support of their rights and in vindication of their characters. For, notwithstanding the declaration with which the hon. gen tleman who made this motion commenced his speech, I must take the liberty of saying, that he did not very cautiously abstain from imputations of no light or uninvidious character; and I trust, therefore, that the motive which impels me thus to claim the indulgence of the House will induce them not to withhold it.

On the whole, I congratulate my hon. friend on the degree of success which has thus far attended his motion. He has made his appeal to the House and to the country; and that appeal has not only In standing up, as I do, on behalf of been heard with attention, but has created the planters of the West Indies, and as the most general and lively interest. Let one of that body, I beg not to be consius hope and trust, that my right hon. dered as the champion of slavery. As a friend will pursue his course, the course West-India planter, I do not hold myself he has declared that he will pursue; and in any degree responsible for the esta that the benefits he wishes to be commu- blishment of that system. The planters nicated to these unhappy beings may, of the present generation, most of them in fact and practically, be secured to at least, found themselves, by inheritance, them. After all that my right hon. or by other accidental causes, in possesfriend has conceded, I know not what my sion of property the fruit of the industry hon. friend proposes to do, as to the mo- of their ancestors or other predecessors, tion he has made; but it may be observ- and of capital vested in the West Indies ed, that we now stand in a perfectly new by them, under the sanction of the gosituation, entirely different from that in vernment and of the parliament of this which we stood at the time of our enter- country, through their encouragement and ing the House, and when the motion was in reliance on their good faith. Thus brought forward. Let it be remembered circumstanced-their own property, and that we have now an acknowledgment on that of their nearest connexions, intimately the part of government that the grievances bound up with, and dependent upon, the of which we complain do exist, and that existence of the scheme of society estaa remedy ought to be applied. We have blished in the colonies-what were the also the assurance that a remedy shall be duties which these circumstances imposed applied. This state of things must give upon them? I conceive them to have been the utmost satisfaction to my hon. friend, to administer that system with liberality and to all those who feel interested in the success of his object; and under these circumstances, I will no longer detain the House, than by expressing my confidence that we shall this night lay the foundation of what will ultimately prove a great and glorious superstructure.

Mr. C. Ellis said:-Sir, there is something so fascinating in the peculiar cha

to exercise the power placed in their hands with lenity and humanity in a word, to do all that depended on them, consistently with their own safety and the secu rity of their property, to mitigate and progressively to improve the condition of the negroes. If they have failed in these duties, they have incurred a fearful responsibility, and to a higher tribunal than

it was exclusively the work of the government and parliament of Great Britain; and whatever may be the sacrifice involved in a due atonement for it, they are bound to take it upon themselves. They have no right to inflict it upon the colonies.

The

this House. But for the establishment of slavery, for the inherent vice of the system, for that original sin, they are not responsible; the responsibility attaches upon the government who framed the sys tem, and upon the parliaments which have repeatedly sanctioned it, and who framed and have upheld it, for views of It is admitted, on the part of those who British policy. For be it remembered bring forward this proposition, or at least always, in treating this question, that our it has been declared, that it is not their colonial system was not established for intention to injure or destroy the property the sake of the colonies, but for the en- of the planters. All they ask is, the fair couragement of British commerce and protection promised under the faith of manufactures; for the purpose, to use parliament: parliament is bound to fulfil the words of the Navigation act," of ren- its duty equally to both parties-to the dering his majesty's plantations beyond slaves and to the planters. We are bound seas beneficial and advantageous to this not to allow a natural propensity to inkingdom in the employment of English dulge an amiable feeling of humanity, to ships and English seamen." It is the lead us away from the discharge, however same with respect to the slave trade. The irksome or inconvenient, of the obligaslave trade, in its origin, had no reference tions of justice: still less should we be to our colonies: there are on record warranted in permitting an intemperate slave-trade voyages anterior to the pe- zeal in the performance of the one duty, riod of our possession of the West-In- to lead us into a course which would prodia colonies: it has been carried on duce the violation of both of them. for its own sake, and in order to supply force of this obligation has been fully adforeign countries with slaves; and the mitted by the hon. gentleman on the British parliament has invariably treated other side, and especially by the hon. it as a part of that system of navigation member for Bramber, in the speech in and commerce upon which our naval power which he called the attention of the mainly rested, and with which the inter- House to the subject early in the preests of the colonies were connected only sent session: he then admitted, that we as secondary and subservient, and as being had not a right "to pay a debt of Afriinstrumental to the support of those great can humanity with West-Indian property." paramount British objects. Parliament, All I ask of him, and of the House, is for nearly a century and a half, encourag- the equal performance of these duties: I ed, watched over, and regulated that would even be content to rest the decision trade, not as was the case from the pe- of this question, and my whole argument riod when the hon. member for Bramber on behalf of the West-India planters, on undertook the subject for purposes of the fair fulfilment of one of them; namely, mercy towards the unhappy victims of it, the duty which this country owes to the but for the purpose of securing to British negroes. I entreat the House to recollect, subjects the exclusive profits of the traffic, that liberty, though the greatest of all and in order to render it, under our navi- political blessings, is a blessing capable gation laws, one of the means of our ma- of being abused, if conferred on persons ritime strength. Parliament enacted, that not fitted to receive it; and abused to no slave ships should be admitted into our the injury of those very persons upon colonies but from British ports; that whom it is bestowed. If the result of they should be British built, and navigat-emancipation were to be, as at this moed by three-fourths British seamen. Let not parliament then suppose, that it can throw off from itself, and fix upon the planters in the colonies, the responsibility for this long course of crime. The planters, even if they can be considered as participators in the crime of the slave trade, must be acknowledged to have been seduced into it by the mother country. For the establishment of slavery, there fore, they are in no degree responsible;

ment it would probably be in Jamaica, or in any other of the islands, where there are the means of subsistence in the mountains abundantly sufficient for all the wants of savage life, and when there would exist no stimulus to labour but such as arises from the artificial wants of civilized society; if the result were to be, that the negroes on their emancipation were to betake themselves to the mountains-to revert to their former habits of

savage life if, forgetting the doctrines | the British parliament legislating in their and truths of Christianity as yet but recently and imperfectly inculcated, they were to relapse into their former superstition-if, abandoning the habits of peaceful industry, they were to have recourse to plunder and violence for subsistence; if such were to be the result of emancipation, let me ask whether we should have performed our duty towards the negroes.

their defence solely upon these general, it. A fund was at the same time estab grounds; but as reference has been made lished for the maintenance of the widows by the hon. member who spoke last to an of the deceased clergy. In the years address adopted by the House, on a mo- 1801, 1807, 1809, and 1816, the consotion which I had the honour to make in lidated slave laws were passed, forming a 1797,* and as he has taken occasion to consecutive series of revisions of the reproach the assemblies of the islands slave laws from 1787; each revised law with having paid little attention to the containing new regulations in favour of appeal then made to them, I feel myself the negroes. In the last law, passed in rather personally called upon to advert 1816, some clauses were inserted specially somewhat more particularly to this part for the purpose of meeting some of the of the subject. I will frankly admit, that objections urged in this country against the sanguine expectations in which I at the colonial codes: one of them furnishthat time indulged (I was then a very ing new facilities to manumission by will, young man) have not been altogether and providing protection for any negroes realized I admit that I think more might detained in any jail or workhouse, alleg and ought to have been done: I believe ing themselves to be free; and making it that more may, and I trust will be done imperative upon the senior magistrate to by the colonial legislatures, when applied summon a special session for the investito, as there is reason to believe they will gation of such allegation. now be applied to, by the government at home.

This last revision of the slave laws was preceded by a committee of the House But, while I make these admissions, I of Assembly, who made a long and trust I may be allowed to state on the elaborate report, in which they recomother hand, that it is not quite fair to say mended, First, the prohibition of the sale nothing has been done by the colonial of slaves under writs of venditioni exlegislatures; and that much of the re- ponas; next, the prohibiting the purproach which has been cast upon them chase of slaves by middle-men-a very has been unmerited. In confirmation of improper practice, and one which cer this assertion, I beg leave to notice some tainly required a remedy; and, thirdly, of the enactments which have been passed the enlarging of the powers of vestries as in the assembly of Jamaica, with a view a council of protection, and the placing to the improvement of the condition of under their care the cases of all negroes the negroes. I am sorry to trouble the who might have cause of complaint House by going into these details; but against their masters. The two last of after the appeal which has been made to these recommendations were adopted by me, and after the reproaches to which I the assembly. The first of them was have referred, deeply implicating the cha- taken into consideration by the House, racters of most respectable persons, I with every disposition to amend the law; feel that I am in a manner compelled to but it was found to involve difficulties enter into them. In the same year in that had not been foreseen by the comwhich the Address which I have men- mittee-difficulties of a legal character, tioned was voted by this House, in 1797, which the assembly were not able to suran act was passed by the assembly of mount. The committee had also taken Jamaica, with a view of promoting the into their consideration the question of religious instruction of the negroes, and attaching the negroes to the soil. The of affording further encouragement to re- difficulties attending the enactment of a spectable clergymen to establish them-law of this nature are stated fully in their selves in Jamaica. In this act it was made part of the duty of the curates and rectors of every parish, to attend for a certain time on every Sunday in their churches, for the purpose of affording religious instruction to the negroes or persons of colour who might be disposed to receive

For the debate on Mr. Ellis's motion for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Negroes, see Parl. Hist. vol. 33, p. 251.

report. The objections were such as either had reference to the inconveniences which might result from it in point of law, or to the hardship which the negroes themselves might occasionally suffer from being attached to a barren and unproductive spot. With respect to the enact ment of this law, and the repeal of that of venditioni exponas, I have only to say, that if the honourable gentleman can ob tain a solution of the legal difficulties from his majesty's attorney-general, or

from the noble lord who presides in the 'sertion, that a general and progressive court of chancery; and, if the inconveni- improvement, has been, and is still going ences affecting the negroes themselves on in that country. cannot be obviated; I think I may venture to say, no objections will be made of any other character-certainly none on the part of the West-India planters, connected with their own immediate in