one can entertain the shadow of a doubt of the correctness of Mr. Perceval's assertion respecting the disposition of the house of Commons to vote away the public money on this or on any other occasion. How many scores and hundreds of millions have been voted when not a tenth part of the representative body-a number little more than sufficient to make a house, has been present! Granting foreign subsidies, levying taxes, and raising loans, are considered as matters of course, and our guardians of the public purse," seem at all times well inclined to transfer their guardianship to the minister of the day. That the Prince Regent should have that consideration for the public burdens, as to decline a ministerial offer, which he very well knew would be unanimously agreed to by the two houses, is much to his honour; it is however, not the splendour of the throne for any useful purpose to which the most rigid economist would object; but it is to that influence which is increased by useless offices and sinecures; and as it is an instrument in the hands of the servants of the crown to corrupt and vitiate all orders of the community, every sincere friend to his country must ardently wish to see that fatal influence diminished.

The just opinion which the Prince Regent has expressed on this subject, seems to have had an effect somewhat surprising on both sides of the house. Mr. PERCEVAL has since discovered, that "this instance of self-denial in the Prince will throw round his cha"racter more real splendour than could be borrowed from any "pageantry however brilliant; and that external magnificence is only calculated to dazzle the vulgar gaze, and catch the giddy "admiration of the populace." Mr. ADAM, now informs us, that, "after long observation on his part, the determination of his royal highness in this instance is only conformable to that system of do"mestic economy which had governed the conduct of his royal highness." The corrupt nonsense with which we were so recently pestered" The splendour of the throne, and the influence of the "crown, constitutes the strength of government," is no longer repeated.

"

Whenever the happy period shall arrive, that the people shall be fully and fairly represented in parliament, a reform in the expenditure of the executive government will, we doubt not, be thought absolutely requisite. One of our greatest writers in prose and poetry, JOHN MILTON observes, that—“ A popular govern"ment is the most frugal; for the trappings of a monarchy would "set up an ordinary commonwealth ;" and whoever glances at the government of America, the whole expence of which, in all its different departments is not equal to that of our executive, will not be disposed to treat the sentiment of Milton lightly. Without entering on the question, whether the most frugal government must

be the best, surely no considerate person will now dispute, that many expensive" trappings" of the British monarchy may be well spared, more especially at a period when one sixth part of the people are reduced to the state of paupers, and the influence of the crown, within these few years by means of our tripled taxation, (not to mention other means,) has been so enormously increased. We have now the confession of Mr. Perceval, that the affections of the people are not to be gained" by pageantry however brilliant, "or by external magnificence calculated to dazzle the vulgar eye: 66 no, it must be solid good qualities, which must win and secure "those affections." We hope therefore, that we shall never hear a repetition of the idiotism, that the "strength" of a government chiefly consists in the splendour of the throne, "the trappings of monarchy," a considerable portion of which it is to be feared have contributed in no small degree, in the hands of weak, or unprincipled ministers to dissipate the real strength of government, to transfer the prerogatives of the crown to a cabinet, and to injure the best interests of the people, by plundering them of their rights, liberties, and property, corrupting their principles and morals at home, and wasting their blood abroad in wars equally unjust and

unnecessary.

Informations Ex Officio.-Lord Holland agreeably to notice has brought forward his motion-" For a list of all the individuals pro"secuted on Ex Officio informations for libel, from Jan. 1801 to "Jan. 1811, and of the number of persons convicted in conse"quence thereof during that period." The design of his lordship appears to have been to institute some inquiry into the nature of the different cases, and whether the extraordinary power thus put into the hands of the Attorney General had not been perverted from its original design. His lordship asserted on the best authorities, that although the law authorising such informations was of ancient date, it was the evident intention of the legislature, that it should only be put in force in case of necessity; that Justice Blackstone remarked-" That the object of giving this power to the Attorney "General was, that enormous misdemeanors, involving the safety "of the state, and the prosecution of which did not admit a mo"ment's delay, might be instantly prosecuted without the delay of "waiting for a grand jury."-One would think it impossible for any man to say that the numerous ex officio informations which have distinguished most of the administrations during the present reign, come within the case described. What danger to the state would have arisen, if the printers and publishers who have been made the victims of different Attorney Generals, had been tried by common indictment, or if a grand jury had, as in the case of other misdemeanours, first determined whether such indictment constituted a

true bill or otherwise? It appears that although the practice complained of had much increased during the despotic administration of PITT, yet, that from the year of his resignation in 1801, to that of the PORTLAND or PERCEVAL administration in 1807 it declined, there having been only fourteen informations filed during that interval; but that during the last three years, no less than forty two informations were filed, sixteen of which were brought to trial. When contemplating the enormous expences to which innocent persons have been subjected by the conduct of Attorney Generals, who although they filed their informations, thought proper, after suffering them for a while to hang in terrorem over the heads of the parties, to decline pursuing them to conviction, Lord Holland might well" suspect, that as in former periods, such informations were "used as the means of oppression, they might now be used as means of influence ;" and if his lordship had added as means of oppression and influence" united, his suspicion, perhaps, had not been without foundation.*

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* Mr. Finnerty in a letter to Lord Holland, of the 16th of March last, states as follows:

"About the month of October, 1808, it was intimated to me that infor"mations ex officio had been filed against me and a person of the name of "Gorman, for publishing Major Hogan's Appeal. Having employed Gorman to publish that pamphlet, I felt it my duty to prepare for his de"fence, as well as for my own-and as soon as I received official informa❝tion of the Attorney General's intention, I set about the necessary pre"parations-Counsel were furnished with briefs, and I expended about "1001.; but a few days after I was apprised of the filing of the criminal "information, Gorman was taken into custody under the statute which in"vests the Attorney General with the power of holding any man to bail "against whom he thinks proper to file a criminal information. Gorman was detained in prison for ten days, before bail was had to satisfy the "Crown Solicitor. He was released on finding bail; but he was ruined in "his circumstances, by the report of his confinement, and was under the necessity of accepting the office of clerk to a military commissary, with "whom he went to Walcheren, where he fell a victim, leaving a widow at an advanced age, in the most abject poverty. Notwithstanding the im, prisonment and sufferings of this man-notwithstanding the expence "which I incurred, and the anxiety of mind which I suffered, the Attorney "General never attempted to prosecute his informations. But Gorman and "I were not the only persons subjected to expence and anxiety upon that occasion; for criminal informations were filed against the proprietors of "The Times, The Statesman, and The Examiner, and also against Mr. Bagshaw; yet not one of these informations has been followed up. From "these facts, particularly Gorman's imprisonment, it will appear to your lordship and to the public, that the Attorney General has it in his power "to deprive any man in England of his liberty and property, while that "learned gentleman is subject to no responsibility whatever, and while the * individual aggrieved is without any adequate means of legal redress."

The mode of trying these informations, by special, instead of common juries, formed another subject of Lord Holland's inquiry. His lordship enforced his observations by the opinion of that bright luminary of the law, Lord Chief Justice HALE," That the appli"cation of special juries was not so favourable to the administration " of justice, as that of common juries:" on which Lord Holland remarked;"That if that opinion was entitled to weight formerly, "it was entitled to much more now; as very material alterations," (not very favourable to public liberty,) "had taken place re"specting special juries of late years."

The hardship of selecting printers and publishers, instead of the authors, as objects of punishment, and the cruelty of sending men, who are only the subordinate agents, to jails in distant quarters of the kingdom, and at a great distance from the management of their ordinary business-the hardship and cruelty of such treatment were likewise stated, as proper subjects of inquiry:-for let it be properly noted, that Lord Holland most carefully abstained from personally reflecting on any man: the object of his motion was merely for a list of individuals prosecuted on ex officio informations for libel from 1801 to 1811, and of the number convicted in conse quence during that period. Inquiry and investigation were all that his lordship proposed: he might well therefore express his surprise on finding an opposition to his motion. But it seems the motion excited considerable alarm, more particularly in the bosoms of our great law lords. Lord ELLENBOROUGH considered it, together with the speech of the noble mover, as of a dangerous tendency. "He knew nothing more to be deprecated in that house than vio« lent and vague declamations resting upon no grounds..... He "repeated that he knew nothing more mischievous in its tendency "than inoculating the public mind with groundless apprehensions of imaginary evils!" Lord ELDON after acknowledging that—“ No Attorney General had prosecuted more libels than it had fallen to " his lot to prosecute, when he held that office," and panegyrising himself for his "mildness in the exercise of his duty," naturally enough proceeded to panegyrise the conduct of the present Attorney General, assuring the house, "that a great deal of misconception "prevailed in the public mind on the subject, and that if well "and truly understood, it would appear that no public officer holding the same trust had ever displayed a larger portion of mildness "and forbearance! It would be seen that he was the most for"bearing prosecutor in the kingdom?" Lord LIVERPOOL also, "bore witness to the habitual mildness and constant lenity with "which the present Attorney General had acted; and for whose "ability and forbearance, the country owed him the greatest obli"gations!"-Now, we have no opportunities of witnessing the won

derful lenity, mildness and forbearance of the Attorney General, but as these virtues are displayed in the court of King's Bench, and there, it must be confessed, they have shone with extraordinary lustre, and more particularly on the trials of the proprietor and publisher of the Examiner, and of Mr. Cobbett and Mr. Finnerty. We refer our readers in particular to the speech when the latter was called up to receive judgment! No friend to freedom of discussion will, however, covet the "tender mercies" of our law officers; they will rather be apt to consider them as a refined species of

cruelty" nor do we think that these learned gentlemen will very often hear panegyrics of those virtues of late so much boasted, except from themselves, or their employers in administration.

Although the subject of Lord Holland's motion related to the most valuable rights of Britons, not an eighth part of the house of -peers thought it worthy of attention, and the motion was rejected by a majority of two to one, 12 voting for the motion, and 24 against it. On such an occasion we cannot help asking-Where were the opposition members, those who profess to be the peculiar guardians of our rights? They had received sufficient notice of the day on which the motion was to be brought forward; but this was not a party motion; it therefore excited but little attention, and only twelve of the opposition members appeared in its support!

Lord Holland lamented that his "noble' friend Lord Grenville was not present." It is as well, perhaps, he was not. What are his lordship's present sentiments respecting ex officio informations, is best known to himself; but it is an indisputable fact, that they never received greater encouragement than under that administration in which his lordship was so closely united with "the great states"man now no more." Uuless, therefore, his lordship's opinions have undergone a considerable revolution, it is impossible that the author of those scandalous invasions of the rights and privileges of Britons, commonly called the PITT and GRENVILLE, alias the GAGGING BILLS (happily, like one of their authors-" now no "more") could have supported the motion of Lord Holland. Whether the remark of his lordship was designed as a hint, or a reproof to bis "noble friend," we know not; but we do most sincerely hope that no party attachments will prevent Lord Holland from persevering in the path of duty and consistency from which so many of our public men have unhappily deviated.

A motion similar to that of Lord Holland's has been attempted to be introduced by Lord FOLKESTONE in the house of Commons; but on the day fixed, so little attention did `it excite in our representative body, that there were not a sufficient number of members, that is forty out of six hundred, to form a house: the Speaker of