been, that our princes should be advised to conclude, treaties with foreign powers pernicious to the kingdom, (though I hope it is not likely to be our case again) it is then fit and necessary the authority of parliaments should interpose and prevent the ill consequences of such treaties, and punish the advisers; but this house of Commons, or the next, or any future house, cannot be supposed to invalidate or destroy treaties made for the public good, on the contrary, would strengthen them if occasion. Therefore there is very little weight in these sort of arguments, unless we could believe so general a corruption, that this house of Commons are the only men of virtue, integrity, and public spirit among us, and their dissolution would be the annihilation of the government: which consideration brings me to the third argument on which the sticklers for repealing the Triennial Act seem to ground the necessity and reasonableness of it, viz. That the elections at the usual time might be dangerous from the infatuation of the common people, and the false suggestions and insinuations of the adver saries to the present establishment. Let us mean by the present establish ment, the limitation of the succession to the protestant line, as derived to us from the Revolution, by the laws made for that purpose, and then it will be readily granted, we ought to take all prudent and necessary measures for securing the same, and were it in danger, some steps might, perhaps, be made necessary, which, without that danger, would be infringing on the liberties of the subject. It must be owned, that some incidents have happened, whence a set of men have taken great occasion to misrepresent the affections of the people in general, the better to carry on their own schemes, I shall therefore set those affairs in a true light, and doubt not to clear the people from those imputations insinuated against them. The Jacobites, we all know have been a very sanguine people, always full of hopes and expectations of what there was not the least appearance of: In the last years of her late Majesty, the Whigs, to cast an odium on the ministry, endeavoured to insinuate, that all their actions were calculated with a design to bring in the Pretender, and set aside. the protestant succession; many sad prospects and side glances were represented in that light, which the Jacobites took all for truth, and looking upon public affairs with that view and hope, did imagine and vainly persuade themselves of the reality of these assertions; this filled them with a confidence they before were afraid to show, and made them appear more terrible and numerous than they really were; they form ed cabals among themselves, and thought of nothing more than every man to make his fortune. On the demise of her Majesty, the same ministry and parliament then in being, on whom the Jacobites had placed their hopes, unanimously concur in proclaiming his Majesty, and what was necessary to be done, according to the acts made for securing the protestant succession. The Jacobites were nevertheless so sanguine to believe their scheme still in view, and that it would take effect in due time. There were very few, I believe, who will not own, that in the latter part of the Queen's reign, the people in general, were disposed, after her Majesty's decease, to the protestant succession; and it has been agreed by all sides, that his present Majesty, on his accession to the throne, was received by the people with one heart and with one voice. When his Majesty was pleased to call a parliament, the people, well-affected to his Majesty, chose those persons who had been represented to them as most zealous for the protestant succession, and perhaps declined several honest gentlemen only from a malicious insinuation of their adversaries, of their not being so zealous as themselves. Thus it is plain, at the last elec tions the people were entirely affected to his Majesty, and to the present settlement of the crown; his Majesty is still the same gracious prince, the protestant religion and our civil liberties are still as dear to us as then; the Pretender is the same at tainted person we have always so much contemned and abhorred; popery and arbitrary power are as odious and detestable as ever, and as dreadful to our apprehensions; and I believe the Whigs will not say, that at the last choice, the people were under an infatuation. Some measures may, perhaps, have -been taken which were not altogether so popular as could be wished (what those were, or how managed is not my business to inquire into here) which might abate the pleasing expectations of the people; and disaffected persons may have aggravated every little story, and invented others, to increase or foment a division among us; and the Jacobites forward enough to believe their game sure, with some piqued and disgraced courtiers, and other persons of desparate fortunes, abetted by a few of the Roman Catholics among us, were mad enough to imagine they had the people at their beck, and were encouraged from the quiet posture of the government, to raise little tumults at first among the mob, and afterwards to break out into an open rebellion; but how much they were mistaken in their opinion, the success has shown. The people continued in their obedience to his Majesty (except some insignificant numbers, most papists or persons, deluded by them) and how easily these were quelled, is fully known; as it was rash, so the " execution of it, showed the persons concerned to have neither conduct, foresight, nor courage; nor even that desperation such a cause generally carries along with it; their little force was taken; their chiefs some executed, others now in prison subject to the law, and at the King's mercy, and their followers to be disposed of as his Majesty shall think fit. In Scotland, the King's forces have entirely reduced the rebels, taken the leaders, and disarmed the country, and the Pretender was glad to escape himself, finding no hopes of success, whatsoever his partizans might have persuaded him when on. the other side the water; he has no refuge to go to but the pope, who is unable to give us any disturbance. If therefore in the late commotions which were an ordeal trial of the affections of the people, they adhered to his Majesty, and the sense they have of the rebellion exprest in the many addresses presented from every corner of the kingdom, is another full testimony thereof, it is not easily to be conceived how they can be represented as under an infatuation; it will not be denied, but many gentlemen of different opinions as to party, acted equally for the service of the government in the time of danger, and more would have done so had they had the honour of being intrusted, or not prevented by a groundless suspicion. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, at another time would have caused discontent; but upon this juncture, the reasonableness of it (as it was not known how strong the infection might be) being ap parent, was easily complied with though necessarily injurious to the liberties of some particular men, who from precaution have been taken up, though afterwards on examination acquitted. That there always have been some favourers of the Pretender, and are now, is allowed; but I believe every reasonable man must think that number is now less than ever, and has less hopes; but it is the interest of some men to magnify this number, and to make them appear for midable in the eye of others to aggrandize themselves; it is these, therefore who would persuade us, what a few Jacobites mutter in a corner, the bulk of the people declare openly; and from their own crafty arguments magnify a necessity of their own creating, to make way for a security of their own devising. It may be proper here to observe, that pursuant to the late act, almost all the people in general have shown their adherence and inclination to the government, by readily taking the oaths therein required, and it may be reasonably supposed among those few who are returned as refusing to take those oaths, many were rather swayed by some tenderness of conscience in the doubtful meaning of some expressions therein than by any disaffection to the government. For my part I am sincerely persuaded, that the people in general are well affected to his Majesty and to the protestant succession, and if there is any little dissatisfactions taken at some measures, they are not such as any ways alienate the minds of the people from his Majesty, or - would influence them to chuse at another election persons disaffected to our present establishment, but on the contrary, would quicken them to the choice of such only who would endeavour to render his Majesty the delight of his people, as glorious, as great, and as beloved a prince as ever filled the English throne. I hope I have in some measure cleared the people from the aspersions of that infatuation said to be among them, and the disaffection they are charged with, and have been the more full upon this part, because it seems to be the centre of all their arguments, and of that ne VOL. IX. cessity so much insssted on: I have therefore shown the contrary, from the former, the late, and their present behaviour; from whence the future (especially since it is their interest) ought to be judged correspondent to it, which destroys that necessity for repealing the Triennial Act on this their main argument. To the fourth and last part:-As to the objection they now make to the Triennial Act, as keeping up feuds and party divisions, gentlemen spending their estates, and corrup ting the country in general: I shall only say, when we design to abrogate what is not for our purpose, inconveniencies are easily found or contrived. These arguments are made in jest, and hardly want an answer: However it may not be improper to observe, that in all places where there is liberty there are different opinions, and different parties, and some have reasoned it necessary for the preservation of the whole it should be so, and when they recommend themselves to the people by the emulation of their services to the public, the contest is far from being hurtful. As to gentlemen spending their estates, that is no obligation upon them, and which they are at liberty, as in all other things, to do as they please. The corruption introduced into the counties, is doubtless very great; but I believe no party will clear themselves entirely of it, and this is certain, they use most bribery who have the least interest in the people's affections; and it is to be feared, that as such large sums have been given to sit in a Triennial parliament, much larger would be reckoned well laid out to come into a Septennial, which would have a greater power, and a so much longer continuance. Upon the whole matter, as the Triennial Bill appears to be so essential a part of our constitution, whereby the liberties of the people were secured, and the people at this time, 2 H and upon this debate seem to be jealous of those liberties, and the arguments urged for this bill are in no wise forcible enough to introduce so great an alteration; it is to be considered, that the people (what some late occurrences may not be so fresh in memory, or capable of being urged with that plausibility and force hereafter, as at present. ever insinuations they may be dis- THE SPEECH OF SIR That the Whigs themselves own, we owed the rejection of the destructive bill of commerce to the view the members had of an approaching election, which according to their own way of arguing, shows the regerd members pay to the good opinion of the people, when perhaps the good of their country might not sway them. Besides, the dangerous consequences in future times, should an ambitious prince design the subversion of the constitution, a Septennial parliament might by degrees effect what a Triennial could not, and deliver our posterity up slaves to an arbitary go vernment. Were the limited session of this parliament expiring, and a rebellion raging within the kingdom, there would be then the same necessity.for continuing the parliament some longer time, as was for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act. (But God be praised) those fears are over, the rebellion is entirely crushed, and all human probabilities, are against any other attempt of that nature, (our home affairs) seem every day to grow more calm and quiet. This parliament has still a considerable time to sit, and should there be a necessity visible for continuing them, they have the power to do it when it is so. But let us not precipitate with out any necessity, a work that ought not to be done but late, and on the greatest necessity, least it should be thought it was attempted at this time, by reason it is now foreseen there can be no such necessity; and the true reason suspected to be, that CHARLES SIDLEY IN THE HOUSE OF [From Lord Somers's Tracts, Vol. II.} We have provided for the navy, we have provided for the army, and now at the latter end of a session here is a new reckoning brought us; we must provide likewise for the ci vil list: Truly, Mr. Speaker, it is a sad reflection, that some men should wallow in wealth and places, whilst others pay away in taxes the fourth part of their yearly revenue for the support of the same government; we are not upon equal terms for his Majesty's service; the courtiers and great officers, charge as it were in armour, they feel not the taxes by reason of their places, while the country gentlemen are shot through and through with them. The King is pleased to lay his wants before us, and I am confident expects our advice upon it: We ought therefore to tell him what pensions are too great, what places may be extinguished during this time of war, and public calamities. His Majesty is encompassed with, and sees nothing but plenty, great tables, coaches and six horses, and all things suitable; and therefore cannot imagine the want and misery of the rest of his subjects. He is a wise and virtuous Prince, but he is but a young King, encompassed and hemmed in among a company of crafty old courtiers; to say no more of them, with places some of 3000, some of 6000, and some 11,000l. I am told the commissioners of the treasury have 50001. a year a-piece: Certainly such pensions, whatever they may have been formerly, are much too great, in the present want and calamities that reign every where else; and it is a general scandal, that a government so sick at heart as ours, should look so well in the face. We must save the King money wherever we can, for I am afraid our work is too big for our purses, if things be not managed with all the thrift imaginable. When the people of England see that all is saved that can be saved, that there are no exorbitant pensions nor unnecessary salaries, that all is applied to the use for which it was given, we shall give and they will cheerfully pay whatever his Majesty can want to secure the protestant religion, to keep out the King of France, aye, and King James too: whom, by the way, I have not heard named this session, whether out of fear, respect or discretion, I cannot tell. I conclude, Mr. Speaker, let us save the King what we can, and then let us proceed to give him what we are able. A SHORT DISCOURSE UPON THE REASONABLENESS OF MENS' HAVING A RELIGION, OR WORSHIP OF GOD. have been to have ordered it, or as I should be, now it is printed, to disown what I have written; and therefore I have here set my name to it. By the nature of this discourse, I was forced to conclude with an opinion, which I have been long convinced of, that nothing can be more antichristian, nor more contrary to sense and reason, than to trouble and molest our fellow-christians, because they cannot be exactly of our minds, in all the things relating to the worship of God. And who will but examine what multitudes of men there are now aamongst us, of different persuasions in religion; and how inconsiderable any one part of them is, compared to the rest, must, I am confident, be con vinced, that the practice of it, at this time, would be of no advantage to the public. If a serious consideration of the present state of this kingdom can sink deep enough into mens' hearts, to make their endeavour, now, to promote a true liberty of conscience, I shall yet hope to enjoy happy days in England. But otherwise, without pretending to be a prophet, I can easily foresee, that the contrary must of necessity terminate in this; a general discon By GEORGE, Duke of BUCKINGHAM, tent; the dispeopling of our poor country; and the exposing us to the conquest of a foreign nation. April, 1685. BUCKINGHAM, There is nothing that gives men a greater dissatisfaction, than to find themselves disappointed in their expectations, especially of those things in which they think themselves most concerned; and therefore all, who go about to give demonstrations in matters of religion, and fail in the attempt, do not only leave men less devout than they were before, but also, with great pains and industry, lay in their minds the very grounds and foundations of atheism for the generality of mankind, either out of laziness, or a diffidence of their be |