[WE print below an appeal to Chinese Christians issued by the Chinese Continuation Committee of Wuhan, which is allied to the National Christian Council of China, defending the Kuomintang movement; and an official statement of the educational programme of the same party by Dr. Wei Kok, a member of its Educational Commission. The latter gentleman, after obtaining his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago, taught at the Canton Christian College. The first article is reprinted from the North China Herald of January 22, the second from the Canton Gazette, an English-language organ of the Kuomintang, of January 8.]

I. A CHINESE-CHRISTIAN

MANIFESTO

Fellow Christians of the Whole Nation: :

We are all a part of the nation of the Chinese Republic. Owing to the dissatisfaction concerning the old traditional ethics, we have become followers of Christianity. But, as it was transplanted from other nations and unfortunately it has in its history become identified with imperialists, much misunderstanding has developed. Now, as we stand under the flag of 'blue sky and white sun' as a free people, we are no longer oppressed by the old conception which insisted that the Church should have nothing to do with politics, and we have come to realize our duty in the big mission before us for the salvation of our nation. We therefore beg to clearly express our attitude in the following:

We believe that the National Revolution under the leadership of the Kuomintang is an immense moral force which stands for the salvation of our country and our people. For this reason we, as a whole, support the Nationalist Government, assist the National Revolutionary Army, and believe that the 'Three Peoples' Principles,' the 'Outline for the Development of China,' and the internal and foreign policy and programme of the Kuomintang Party present the only scheme for the emancipation of our people and the salvation of our nation. We also volunteer to participate in the People's Revolutionary Movement, for which we will work hard, externally to overthrow imperialism in order to build up an equal and independent nation on the earth, internally to overthrow militarism and a bad system of government, to better the living condition of farmers and laborers, and to construct a just and progressive social order in which every individual may enjoy a living with plenty to eat and enough to wear; and for the final goal of world-wide revolution and the equality of all human beings.

Jesus founded His religion on the spirit of liberty, love, sacrifice, and service; struggled against the force of sin, and was never willing to compromise. Originally He was a great revolutionary force. In the past not a few of our fellow Christians devoted their lives to revolutionary work. Some of them initiated the movement, and others sacrificed their lives for the

cause; and even now we have no small number of Christians who are either leaders in the National Government or officers in the army or connected with other lines of revolutionary work. We recognize them as the best examples of real Christians. As we remember these forerunners we become bolder and braver and try harder to carry out our duty for the salvation of our nation. We wish most earnestly to participate in the Revolutionary Movement in accordance with the revolutionary spirit of Christ, who overthrew Pharisaism, the traditional ethics, and the nobility who oppressed the common people, and finally gave up His life on the Cross.

We are also conscious of the fact that imperialism is not only the worst enemy of our people and our country, but is also the worst enemy of Christianity. History shows that it has oftentimes utilized the Church to increase its power and force. When Christianity was awake to start a revolution it was always crushed and oppressed. For instance, the attempts that were made to prevent Morrison from coming to China to preach, and recently the persecution by the imperialists of some open-minded missionaries because they expressed sympathy with the emancipation movement of the Chinese. The British Government will not allow Christian literature to enter Hongkong because it stands for the emancipation of the Chinese people and the overthrow of imperialism. Most recently Christianity and its work became the target of open attack by the imperialists in their homelands on the ground that the Church furnished the dynamic of anti-imperialism and of the movement of revolution in China. This shows that imperialism, both in its nature and in its history, is fundamentally out of harmony with Christianity, and is therefore our worst enemy.

Christianity, as well as the landless classes and the weaker nations of the world, is the slave of imperialism. Now we all stand with a firm resolution to overthrow this master. We are struggling not only for the emancipation of our people, but also for the emancipation of our religion.

We are very happy to know that the National Christian Council has passed a resolution in favor of the abolition of 'unequal treaties.' We as a whole support this resolution. We don't want Christianity to be built on the foundation of gunboat policy. Neither do we wish to see the spreading of the Gospel dependent upon the backing of any military force. The nature of the policy of aggression and military force is fundamentally contrary to the principle of Christianity. Christianity can be built only upon the foundation of the morality and personality of its followers, and the success of their work in the salvation of the nation and the world; and its strongest backing must be the sacrificial blood of its followers shed for the sake of their religion. Even if we are misunderstood and attacked by others on account of our faith, we would not seek the protection of Christianity from 'unequal treaties' which are capable of overthrowing our country and imperiling our race.

Should there be any foreign missionaries who love their own countries more than they love Christ, and who are unwilling to help us in our National Revolution of the moment, we wish them to go back to their own countries as soon as possible. The only thing we can do is to work hard for the independence of the Christian Church so that it may be free from the control of foreigners and may rid itself forever of all relationship with imperialism.

With regard to the question of rehabilitation of educational rights, we as a whole pledge our support and our best

efforts for its success. We will bring all Christian schools under the management of the Chinese Christians, subject to the regulations of the Chinese Government, everything concerning the administration and the curricula of these schools to be in accordance with the educational system of the Chinese Government.

Finally, we wish to speak a few words in regard to the Anti-Christian Movement, which is prompted by some of our fellow countrymen. The make-up and quality of Christianity are very complicated. It cannot help having some reactionary elements. During its history it has acquired certain rituals and forms that are not quite suited to the nature of the Chinese people; and, furthermore, there are also bad elements in the Church who do not live up to the standards of the Church, thus becoming a disgrace to the whole religion. Meantime we admit our weakness and our sins. We also admit that these are the inevitable shortcomings of every big organization. The first thing that Jesus, the founder of our religion, taught was that we must repent. So we recognize the AntiChristian Movement to be our candid friend. With regard to their criticism, we hold the spirit of an ancient teacher who said, "If you have blundered, you must try harder.'

We are closely watched by those outside. Inside the Church we are prompted by a desire to save the nation and the world. We will bend every effort to work for the reformation of Christianity. On the negative side we will improve the ritual, theology, organization, and methods of the Church; on the positive side we will make our religion a religion which is suitable to the spirit of our nation and the lives of our people. At the same time we will do our best to preserve religious liberty. We will never give up the faith which gave

us peace of heart and the courage of life, no matter what oppression or persecution comes from military powers or political authorities. We wish to be like Cromwell who saved his nation through his religion. We will never be like Judas who betrayed his Lord for his own benefit.

II. A CANTONESE SCHOOL

PROGRAMME

We are neither antiforeign nor antiChristian. As soon as the mission schools readjust themselves along our principles, they will have no trouble. Our four fundamental principles are:

1. That education must be based upon the principles of Dr. Sun Yat-sen.

2. That education must be conducted in accordance with the latest findings of the natural and the social sciences.

3. That education must take the welfare of the people as its central theme.

4. That education must mean the promotion of brotherhood, equality, and freedom.

5. That education must have a centralized system of control and guidance.

With the above-mentioned principles in view, the Kuomintang will carry out the following educational policies in the country as soon as general conditions are settled:

1. To make popular education and popular movements go hand in hand. 2. To provide free education for the poor.

3. To make education increase our capacity to earn a livelihood.

4. To make education lead the students to the masses, rather than develop them as a separate class.

5. To introduce military training into all the middle schools and colleges.

6. To give special emphasis to physical education.

7. To unify all students' movements under the supervision of the Kuomintang.

8. To lay special emphasis upon scientific studies.

9. To recover educational rights. 10. To separate religion from education.

Rules governing private schools, including those which are opened by foreigners or missions, are:

1. All private schools must be under the supervision and guidance of the Educational Administrative Authorities of the Nationalist Government.

2. Each private school should have a board of trustees who are representatives of and appointed by the founders of the school. No foreigner can serve as a trustee, except under special circum

stances.

THE Commission appointed by the German Bar Association to report upon a revision of our corporation law has announced that it will not confine itself to the particular amendments already mooted, but that it proposes to take under advisement a radical reconstruction of modern corporation jurisprudence. That will require more time than was originally planned, and it may delay the adoption of certain reforms for which there is crying need, but the Commission's action is a wise one. We regret the more, however, now that this

1 From Berliner Tageblatt (Liberal daily), January 22

decision has been taken, that the Commission is composed entirely of lawyers; for while the corporation is a juristic institution, it is also an economic organism. We therefore hope that the Commission, having thus resolved to broaden the scope of its inquiries, will invite economists and practical business men either to join its membership or to assist it with expert advice.

In view of the fact that the corporation problem is to be dealt with as a whole, it is important that the public should understand why these reforms are needed, and also the social changes that are modifying the whole corpora

tion problem. What are the functions of the incorporated company in the business world of to-day? To what extent has its purpose changed since the time when our present corporation laws were enacted? How does modern business react upon the corporation, and how does the corporation react on modern business? How must the two coöperate in order to forward and not to hinder economic betterment?

It is certainly no accident that for some time past certain prophets have predicted that the incorporated company and the law on which it is founded have outlived their usefulness, both because business is not the same to-day that it was when our present corporation laws were enacted, and because the shareholders of to-day are very different from the shareholders of yesterday.

Walther Rathenau was perhaps the first to lay stress upon this fact, in his book upon corporations published during the war. He invented the

'substituted functions' for a transformation which all human institutions undergo as they grow older. They retain their names and some of their original features, but their premises, purposes, and inner structure insensibly change. Business corporations have passed through this experience. Their present character is fundamentally different from that contemplated by the business men and lawmakers who originally created them. The great corporation of to-day has long since burst its old shell, as an artificial person conducting private business for profit, and has acquired new traits and functions which are primarily social and political.

So long as the organism retains its present form, however, it must be guarded against dismemberment. Walther Rathenau therefore concluded that the majority management of a corpora

tion must be protected from petty, ignorant, and dilettante interference by individual shareholders or minority groups. The English economist Keynes has also adopted this view. The fact that a British individualist should reach the same conclusion as a German semi-Socialist shows how far evolution of corporations has advanced - to what extent they have become an integral and necessary part of modern society.

More recently Dr. Curtius, the German Minister of Economics, has taken one step beyond Rathenau and Keynes by declaring: "These great modern economic organisms transcend the bounds of purely private business, and have gradually become public institutions with national responsibilities.'

No theoretical economist or practical business man, however, has hitherto drawn the logical inference from this fact-that, if the corporation has really become something different from what it was when our present corporation law arose, that law itself must be adjusted to the changed object with which it deals. Instead of seeing this, corporation managers as a rule have obstinately opposed any attempt to amend or revise our corporation law, apparently under the impression that they can manipulate that law without the help of the Government so as to make it serve their ends. What they seek is first of all to increase the powers of directors and their inner circle, at the expense of individual shareholders and stock minorities. They have accomplished this by concentrating voting power in the hands of a small controlling group. The most transparent device is to issue shares having plural voting rights to a very few people, who in many cases represent but a small fraction of the capital actually invested. Another way of securing the same result is to create voting trusts, rep