place between the King and his physician. According to the Bavarian Constitution the late King's brother, Prince Otto, succeeds to the throne, but as he also suffers from a mental derangement the real power will remain in the hands of the Regent, Prince Luitpold."

14.-Belfast reported as quiet, and that there was now a strong feeling the riots had ceased, for a time at least. The magisterial inquiry into the charge against the seven men arrested for participating in the disturbances at the Alexandra Docks on the 4th inst. was continued. At the coroner's investigation into the circumstances attending the death of James Kyle, machinist, who was shot on the 9th, the jury, after hearing some evidence, returned a verdict of murder against the police.

15.-The Earl of Carnarvon, speaking at a demonstration of South Berks and Hants Primrose Habitations in Highclere Park, advised the Conservatives in the coming election to stick to their colours, to sink minor differences, and to fight the battle without misrepresentation. He was grieved to see that Mr. Gladstone had thought it good to bolster up his arguments by a miserable appeal to class interests and passions. They knew what division of classes with a divided country and Empire meant, and they should advocate the union of classes, which meant the happiness of individuals.

One of the most extensive and destructive fires known in Paisley for many years broke cut to-night in the chemical works of Messrs. Muir & Anderson, Christie Lane, New Sneddon Street. A stiff breeze was blowing at the time, and carried showers of sparks across the river Cart to a number of thatched houses in Brick Lane, which were burned to the ground. The flames were next communicated to Highland Lane, where several tenements were also destroyed. Altogether about sixteen properties were more or less destroyed, and it was estimated that nearly fifty families were rendered homeless. Damage estimated at close upon £20,000.

The town of Vancouver, in British Columbia, reported as having been destroyed by fire. Ten bodies had been recovered, a number of persons reported missing, and many injured. Thousands of persons were rendered homeless, and encamped outside the town.

Died, aged 64, Rev. Dr. Pulsford, minister of Trinity Congregational Church, Glasgow.

16.-Lord Hartington issues his address to the electors of the Rossendale Division of Lancashire to-day. His lordship said that in the recent general election a majority of the Liberal candidates adopted the declarations made by Mr. Gladstone in his address to the

electors of Mid-Lothian, wherein there was no indication whatever of the Premier's present policy, which the constituencies were now asked to affirm, although they were left without any plan satisfying the conditions which Mr. Gladstone had himself declared to be indispensable. The Land Purchase Scheme was an indispensable part of the Government policy, but Mr. Gladstone was now silent upon it. His lordship urged that Parliament ought to continue to represent the whole of the United Kingdom, and to retain control of the administration of justice, but matters which could be clearly defined might be delegated to local subordinate bodies, whose acts should be subject to revision by the Imperial Parliament. He denied that coercion was the only alternative policy to that of the Government, and claimed that instead of having seceded from the principles and traditions of the Liberal party, he had maintained them, with the best security for freedom and justice in every part of the United Kingdom.

16. On consideration of the Returning Officers' Charges (Scotland) Bill, as amended in Committee, it was agreed in the Commons that 600 should be the minimum of voters to be served by each presiding officer. Mr. Esslemont moved a clause providing for the payment of the expenses of returning officers out of the rates. After some discussion, the Lord Advocate said there had been a strong expression of opinion on the part of the Scotch members in favour of the proposal, and as it had already been applied to England and Ireland there was no reason why it should not also be made applicable to Scotland. On a division Mr. Esslemont's motion was carried by 91 votes to 35. The Committee afterwards added a clause to that effect.

17.—Mr. Gladstone, accompanied by Mrs. Gladstone and Mr. W. H. Gladstone, leave London this morning by the Midland express for Edinburgh in order to fulfil his engagements in Midlothian. There was an immense crowd at St. Pancras Station, who loudly cheered the right hon. gentleman and demanded a speech from him. Mr. Gladstone, in the course of a few words, said they were engaged in a great, noble, Imperial undertaking. The reason of the present dissolution was that the people of Ireland wanted to manage their own affairs. They were not permitted to do it, because the opponents of Government held that the Irish people were unworthy to be trusted. He did not believe that God had made any one of these three nations unworthy to be trusted. The electors of the country must not allow the issue to be darkened. If the verdict of the country was in favour of the people of Ireland, there would be a thrill of joy throughout the civilized world. At Carlisle Mr. Gladstone referred to the controversy between Lord Carnarvon and

Mr. Parnell. He said it was unfortunate that while Lord Carnarvon had told them what he did not say, he had not told them what he did say, and while he had told them that he did not communicate his conversation with Mr. Parnell to the Cabinet, he had not told them to whom he did communicate it. On arriving in Edinburgh at ten minutes to nine Mr. Gladstone was received by an enormous crowd. The people as soon as they caught sight of the right hon. gentleman burst into cheers, which were continued until the Premier reached the Royal Hotel, where he was to stay during the campaign.

17.-Inaugural meeting of the Scottish Association to promote Self-Government in Ireland held in Glasgow to-night under the presidency of Lord Rosebery. Lord Dalhousie moved a resolution in accordance with the objects of the association, and said that if Ireland was to be governed as it ought to be governed the spirit of nationality must be recognized. As this sentiment was deep in the hearts of Scotchmen, it would be unreasonable for them to complain at its possession by Irishmen. The noble chairman, in his opening address, said the verdict of the country might be against the Government. They might have to wait two or three more years of sorrow and disaster before their policy was adopted; but it must ultimately be adopted in obedience to the irrevocable judgment of justice and truth. Among the other speakers were the Earl of Elgin and Mr. Ferguson of Novar.

Died, aged 54, H. H. Zookaji Rao Holkar, Maharajah of Indore, who had devoted himself to the task of raising the prosperity of his State and increasing the welfare of his people.

Died at Duffield, Derbyshire, aged 69, Llewellyn Jewitt, F.S. A., archæologist.

18.-Mr. Gladstone commences his Midlothian campaign to-night by addressing a crowded and enthusiastic meeting in the Music Hall, Edinburgh. He said that just as Inkerman was the soldiers' battle, so was this the people's election; and he believed the determination and strong sense of justice in the people would make up for the disaffections in the Liberal ranks. What he saw the day before convinced him that the people were determined to carry this measure, and he was sure Scotland was not averse to it. As had been said, the controversy must be brought speedily to a close, or public business would be interrupted and social order in Ireland Iwould not be restored. He denied that the

question could not be satisfactorily dealt with. It could be satisfactorily dealt with if the country spoke out decisively, and when it was settled people would wonder why they had opposed it, as they had wondered in the case of other great measures which had become law.

He pointed out that of the Conservative

party forty members owed their seat to the Parnellite vote, and had Liberals been returned the question at issue might have been decided by this time. As the matter stood they did not ask Parliament to pledge itself to the details of the bill; indeed he always said there was not a particular which Parliament was not free to change, and he should readily have welcomed any improvements which could have been made. What they wanted to do was to establish an effective local legislative body for Ireland to manage Irish affairs, which should be compatible with the union of the Empire, based upon sound economic principles, and an equitable adjustment of Imperial burdens, with reasonable safetyguards for the minority. That was a sound and rational solution of the question, and that was what the bill was intended to effect. The bill was dead, but the principle survived, and he was disappointed at the barrenness and servility of their critics. He expressed his surprise at the attitude Lord Carnarvon assumed in reference to Mr. Parnell, and said he was sure Lord Salisbury must have known of the interview which took place. He reviewed the alternative policies of Lord Hartington and Mr. Chamberlain, which, he said, were halting, shifting, and visionary, having no finality, and claimed for the Government policy that it would settle the question to the satisfaction of Ireland and credit of England.

18.-Lord Salisbury, speaking at a Conservative demonstration at Leeds to-night, said the Irish Bill on which the Gladstone Government staked its existence a week ago had died, and before the death it was abandoned. It was a measure which threatened the empire, in support of which the Conservative party now appealed to the country. The Ministerialists had misrepresented their opponents. Mr. Parnell had stated, and Lord Spencer and Mr. Gladstone had directly repeated the charge, that the late Government were in favour of granting Home Rule with protection for Irish industries, and that they only abandoned their proposals when the electors turned against them. That was a

statement without any foundation in fact. Leaving Lord Carnarvon's explanation to speak for itself, the noble Marquis asserted his views had never changed with reference to the expediency of granting a Legislature to Ireland. He always and still thought the thing impracticable, and, if it were conceded, it would ultimately lead to separation, to the severing of the last link, as Mr. Parnell had said at Cincinnati, which bound Ireland to England. Separation was the end to which the Government measures pointed. There was not a united demand for Home Rule, for Ireland spoke with two voices. The second voice represented one-fourth or one-third of the whole population, and that minority resolutely and bitterly opposed separation. The majority of the people of Ulster and the Loyalists

generally entirely and vehemently objected to the rule of the National League-with manacles for their feet and a rod for their back. He had never been in favour of coercion, except against murderers, robbers, mutilators of cattle, and those whose system of terror made life bitter to many. He adjured Conservatives to sink party in the ensuing contest, and to support candidates, however they might differ from them otherwise, who were in favour of the maintenance of the Union.

18.-The county of Armagh and the greater portion of the county of Tyrone "proclaimed ' under the Peace Preservation Act.

19. Before the House of Lords Committee on the Manchester Ship Canal, it was stated that Messrs. Lucas and Aird had offered to undertake the work for £5,750,000.

Sir M. Hicks-Beach and Lord Randolph Churchill issue their election addresses. The former said that the attack on the connection between Great Britain and Ireland has come, not from the Irish Nationalists, but from the Ministers of the Crown, Mr. Gladstone, in spite of his previous utterances, having suddenly sprung upon the country an Irish policy which is alike dishonourable to Great Britain and disastrous to Ireland, and can only lead to separation or civil war. Denying that the only alternative is coercion, Sir M. Hicks-Beach holds that the rights of Ireland are similar to those of Great Britain, but in both islands the Imperial Parliament must be supreme in practice as well as in theory, and sufficient power should be retained by the Executive responsible to Parliament to secure the due administration of law and justice. Ireland enjoys at least her full share of Parliamentary representation and influence, and Mr. Gladstone's proposals would only be used to promote disintegration. Yet for this the country is asked to break up that Parliament which has been a model of representative institutions to other countries, and to impose immense liabilities on the taxpayers of Great Britain. Lord Randolph Churchill condemns the dissolution as the most wanton political convulsion which has afflicted the country in the present generation, and says the caprice of an individual is elevated to the dignity of an act of the people by the boundless egoism of the Prime Minister. The United Kingdom is to be disunited for the purpose of securing in office by aid of a disloyal faction subsisting on foreign gold a Government deserted by all who conferred upon it character or reputation. Mr. Gladstone, says Lord Randolph, has reserved for his closing days a conspiracy against the honour of Britain and the welfare of Ireland startlingly base and nefarious.

Mr. John Morley, acknowledging a vote of confidence in the Government at a Liberal demonstration held in St. George's Hall, Bradford, to-night, said that he was happy to call

on them on his way to Newcastle to say a few words of encouragement on what he believed to be a winning battle. Unless the Irish people were granted a Parliament in Dublin to deal with their own affairs the English Parliament will have to resort to coercion. Lord Salisbury denied at Leeds that he had advocated coercion except against murderers, burg. lars, and mutilators of cattle; but why then did he say that he would repeat these repressive laws for twenty years? The Irish people would not accept a lesser boon than that which had been offered them by Mr. Gladstone, who had produced a plan that Irish statesmen were willing to accept and work. The Prime Minister, through his having sympathy with the Irish people, was the only man to settle the Irish question.

19.-Died at Milan, aged 64, the Hon. Augustus Charles Hobart (Hobart Pasha). For some time commander in the Royal navy, he subsequently became an admiral in the Turkish navy, and distinguished himself greatly during the Russo-Turkish war of 1877.

-Died, aged 79, Sir Charles Edward Trevelyan, K.C.B., Indian administrator.

20.-The entry of the Queen upon the 50th year of her reign celebrated by a special form of service prescribed by the Archbishops and Bishops to their respective dioceses.

The Prince of Wales, accompanied by the Princess of Wales and their family, laid the foundation-stone of the new Tower Bridge across the Thames, designed, at a cost of £750,000, to cross the river without impeding the navigation of large ships.

Died, aged 51, Jyajee Scindiah, Maharajah of Gwalior, G.C.S.I., one of the few native princes who rendered loyal and important service to Britain during the trying mutiny time of 1857.

21.-Mr. Gladstone addresses another crowded meeting in Edinburgh, and is again enthusiastically received. He regretted that he should have once more to devote his attention to the one subject of Ireland; but until the Irish question was settled Parliament could not be set free, and those domestic reforms which they had hoped to pass could not be dealt with. Ireland blocked the way, and for that the Tory party were responsible. Lord Salisbury had answered everything he had not said on this subject, but had overlooked what he had said, and he intended to repeat the question-What was the nature of Lord Carnarvon's negotiations with Mr. Parnell, and did he communicate them to Lord Salisbury? The country was entitled to an answer on these points, and he awaited it. Referring to Mr. Goschen's position and the representation of Edinburgh, he said he was sure that city would adhere to her true Liberalism. Mr. Goschen, no doubt, in his sincere belief was a

Liberal, but unfortunately, for years past, his energies had been mainly directed towards stopping the progress of Liberalism. Like Lord Hartington he called himself a Unionist Liberal, but these gentlemen had no claim to such a title, and he would not admit it. They were seceding Liberals, and supporters of a paper union which was brought about by fraud and force, and never had commended itself to the people principally affected. He wanted to see a union of flesh, heart, and mind, and they were not Unionists who would vote against it. They were opposed to the honourable traditions of the Liberal party. With regard to the Land Purchase Bill, which had not proved acceptable to Lord Hartington and others, it was dead, but in dealing with Home Rule he should never forget honourable obligations. Self-government was their great aim, consistent with the security of the Imperial Union. He denied that he had concealed his ideas and had sprung them suddenly on Parliament. said last autumn that if eighty Parnellites were returned the Irish question would demand settlement. He had never expected, however, that the demand would have been so wise and moderate that it could with safety be given. He entreated them not to lose this golden opportunity of settling the Irish demand. It was within their reach, and if they missed it there must be another miserable round of coercion and disappointment.

He

22.-Mr. Bright writes to Mr. Caine: "I see you are engaged in a fight at Barrow. I much hope you will win. It is not pleasant to see how unforgiving some of our heretofore Liberal friends are if their representatives refuse to surrender judgment and conscience to the demands or sudden changes of their political leader. The action of our clubs and associations is rapidly engaged in making delegates of their members, and in insisting on their forgetting all principles if the interests of a party or the leader of a party are supposed to be at stake. What will be the value of party when its whole power is laid at the disposal of a leader from whose authority no appeal is allowed? At this moment it is notorious that scores of members of the House of Commons have voted with the Government who in private have condemned the Irish Bills. Is it wise for a Liberal elector or constituency to prefer such a member, abject at the feet of of a Minister, to one who takes the course dictated by his conscience and his sense of honour? But we need not despair. The ninety-three who voted in the majority have done much to redeem the Liberals from the discredit of accepting a measure which the majority of them condemned. I hope the good people of Barrow will sustain you in your honest course. Believe me, yours sincerely, JOHN BRIGHT.”

The French Senate passed the Princes Expulsion Bill by a secret vote of 141 against

107; the first clause of the bill, decreeing the compulsory exile of the Comte de Paris, Prince Napoleon, and their eldest sons, having been previously passed by an open vote of 137 to

I22.

23. Before quitting Paris, the Comte de Paris, one of the expelled Princes, issues a manifesto to his countrymen, in which he protests against the violence done him. Vengeance, he says, is taken in his person on the three and a half million votes which last October condemned the faults of the Republic, and it is in this way sought to intimidate those who were detaching themselves from the present régime. France, however, he continued, taught by experience, will not be misled either as to the cause or the authors of the ills she suffers, but will recognise that the monarchy, of which he is the representative, can alone reduce to impotence the men of disorder who threaten the repose of the country, can alone secure political and religious liberty, restore public fortune, and give to French democratic society a strong government, with a stability which would be in the eyes of Europe a pledge of lasting peace.

The death announced at Auteuil, in his fifty-second year, of Douglas Home, the well-known "medium."

24. The Duke of Argyll, in a letter, states that Mr. Gladstone, in his recent speech at Glasgow, on almost every point on which he touched, was visibly leading the people off the scent. His Grace believed that the Premier's statement that his own scheme was the scheme of Mr. Parnell was nothing more than a passionate oratorical exaggeration of the fact that Mr. Parnell sees it to be politic in the meantime to accept the scheme as a whole-sure, as he may well be, that the new Dublin Parliament will soon be able to make short work with the limitations.

Mr. Bright issues his address to the electors of the Central Division of Birmingham. He declined to pledge himself to the principle of Home Rule, which had not been explained by its author or supporters, and declared that the experience of the past three months had not increased his confidence in the wisdom of the Government or their Irish policy. He still held to an opinion expressed in 1872, that to have two legislative assemblies in the United Kingdom would be an intolerable mischief; and he could not trust the peace and interests of Ireland to the Irish Parlimentary party, to whom the Government now propose to make a general surrender.

25. The single session of the Queen's eleventh Parliament prorogued by Royal Commission.

25.-The Marquis of Hartington arrived in Glasgow this afternoon, and was enthusiastically received by an immense concourse of people. His lordship addressed a great Unionist meeting in St. Andrew's Hall in the evening, under the presidency of Sir Edward Colebrooke. Referring to the designation of Paper Unionists, he said that if under that name Mr. Gladstone wished to signify that they were supporters of the Act of Union, he did not disclaim the title; but the Imperial Parliament and the Imperial Government which bound the two countries together did not exist merely on paper, and the term was equally applicable to those who proposed that the only tie between Great Britain and Ireland should be a paper constitution, the like of which had been unknown up to the present moment. The proposals of the Government required more precise definition. The restrictions provided in the Home Rule Bill were inadequate and futile, and the power of veto would lead to a legislative deadlock, but would not provide a Government for Ireland. Practically the control proposed to be given to the Irish Parliament was for the exclusive management of Irish affairs and not for the management of exclusively Irish affairs. Mr. Gladstone had now disclaimed all connection with the bill, and had contended solely for the principle, but it was impossible to tell whether a plan could be framed to embody the principle consistently with the conditions which Mr. Gladstone had laid down until they had seen the plan, and he questioned whether the construction of such a plan lay within the range of human ingenuity. His lordship doubted whether the Irish party represented the people of Ireland, and whether in a country under the sway of the National League free election of representatives was possible. With regard to Mr. Gladstone's charges of inconsistency, he pointed out that there had been no change in the men against whom the Prime Minister had invoked the resources of civilization five

years ago. Mr. Gladstone had no precedent for the position in which he was now placing the country. Though the Home Rule Bill had been thrown aside by the Government, something very similar in scope would be reproduced, but no inkling was given of their intentions regarding the Land Purchase scheme, and he feared that if the first measure passed the second would become an absolute necessity. With respect to the election, an alliance was needed, for he saw no sufficient signs of an independent spirit in the ranks of the Ministerialists to warrant their leaving the matter to the open arbitrament of the next Parliament, and he therefore held that the interests of the country would be best consulted, not by their abstention from voting, but by their voting for Unionist candidates irrespective of any other political consideration. He did not believe that any party in this country was so foolish or weak as to love

coercion for its own sake, and he was not to be intimidated by the word coercion from supporting or even proposing measures for the enforcement of just and equal laws. A resolution declaring in favour of Unionist candidates was carried by an overwhelming majority.

25.-Mr. Gladstone visits Manchester, and is conducted in what he himself described as 'a triumphal procession" to the Free Trade Hall, where he addressed a large audience. On his way from Hawarden he was greeted with hearty cheers by a vast crowd at Chester, and at Warrington, where there was another large gathering, he said in a brief speech that the Government had great powers and great classes against them, but if the people were with them, and he believed they were, it did not matter who opposed them. At the Free Trade Hall he referred to Mr. Bright, and noticed that though he was opposed to the Irish Bills he had shown no eagerness to be in the forefront of the battle. In connection with the Land Purchase Bill he challenged Mr. Chamberlain to produce to the country the plan he had prepared for submission to the Government in February last. It would be found to stand in curious contrast with that right honourable gentleman's latest views on the question. Mr. Gladstone admitted that the Land Purchase Bill had been ill received by the country. He explained that it ought to be considered as so many clauses of the Home Rule Bill, and if a better method could be obtained, or if it could be shown that there was no cause of honour, or duty, or policy for persevering with it, it was open to review, reconstruction, or even rejection.

Mr. Gladstone, in a letter to Dr. Foster, M.P. for Chester, says that to recommend twenty years of resolute government, with some repeal of coercive laws and grant of local government at the end, although a mischievous conception, has more, though not much, promise of being effectual than the intermediate and fantastic schemes which have come to birth under the exigencies of the election. He referred to the description by the Duke of Westminster of the Irish Bills as evil and monstrous, but thought the Duke was hardly a safe guide in politics.

In a letter to Mr. Peter Rylands, Mr. Bright says it is grievous to see with what bitterness Liberals can treat Liberals whose fault is that they have consistently supported principles which all Liberals accepted less than a year ago.

Mr. Parnell, speaking at Portsmouth tonight, declares that Mr. Gladstone's proposal was accepted by Ireland as being a far more durable settlement than even the repeal of the Union. Imperial unity, in his view, did not necessitate the unity of legislation.