BOOK acquainted with the Prince, in behalf of whom he courted x.

their interest; and he himself employed all the arts of ad

dress or insinuation to gain the Electors, and to prepare 1551.

them for listening with a favourable ear to the proposal. But no sooner did he venture upon mentioning it to them, than they, at once, saw and trembled at the consequences with which it would be attended. They had long felt all the inconveniences of having placed at the head of the Empire a Prince whose power and dominions were so extensive ; if they should now repeat the folly, and continue the Imperial crown, like an hereditary dignity, in the same family, they foresaw that they would give the son an opportunity of carrying on that system of oppression which the father had begun; and would put in is

power to overturn whatever was yet left entire in the ancient and venerable fabric of the German constitution.

Philip's The character of the Prince, in whose favour this extracharacter disagree ordinary proposition was made, rendered it still less agreeable to the able. Philip, though possessed with an insatiable desire of Germans.

power, was a stranger to all the arts of conciliating goodwill. Haughty, reserved, and severe, he, instead of gaining new friends, disgusted the ancient and most devoted partizans of the Austrian interest. He scorned to take the trouble of acquiring the language of the country to the government of which he aspired ; nor would he condescend to pay the Germans the compliment of accommodating himself, during his residence among them, to their manners and customs. He allowed the Electors and most illustrious Princes in Germany, to remain in his presence uncovered, affecting a stately and distant demeanour, which the greatest of the German Emperors, and even Charles himself, amidst the pride of power and victory, had never assumed t. On the other hand, Ferdinand, from the time of his arrival in Germany, had studied to render himself acceptable to the people, by a conformity to their manners, which seemed to flow from choice; and his son Maximilian, who was born

1 Frediman Andreæ Zulich Dissertatio politico-historica de Nævis politicis Caroli V. Lips. 1706. 4to. p. 21.

in Germany, possessed, in an eminent degree, such ami- B O O K

X. able qualities as rendered him the darling of his countrymen; and induced them to look forward to his election as a most

1551. desirable event. Their esteem and affection for him, forti. fied the resolution which sound policy had suggested ; and determined the Germans to prefer the popular virtues of Ferdinand and his son, to the stubborn austerity of Philip, which interest could not soften, nor ambition teach him to disguise. All the Electors, the ecclesiastical as well as secular, con- Charles curred in expressing such strong disapprobation of the mea


to relinsure, that Charles, notwithstanding the reluctance with quish this

scheme. which he gave up any point, was obliged to drop the scheme as impracticable. By his unseasonable perseverance in pushing it, he had not only filled the Germans with new jealousy of his ambitious designs, but laid the foundation of rivalship and discord in the Austrian family, and forced his brother Ferdinand, in self-defence, to court the Electors, particularly Maurice of Saxony, and to form such connexions with them, as cut off all prospect of renewing the proposal with "success. Philip, soured by his disappointment, was sent back to Spain, to be called thence when any new scheme of ambition should render his presence necessary m.

and empe

HAVING reļinquished this plan of domestic ambition, The pope which had long occupied and engrossed him, Charles ima

ror form a gined that he would now have leisure to turn all his atten- design to tion towards his grand scheme of establishing uniformity of recovery religion in the Empire, by forcing all the contending parties Placentia. to acquiesce in the decisions of the council of Trent. But such was the extent of his dominions, the variety of connexions in which this entangled him, and the multiplicity of events to which these gave rise, as seldom allowed him to apply his whole force to any one object. The machine which he had to conduct was so great and complicated, that an unforeseen irregularity or obstruction in one of the inferior wheels, often disconcerted the motion of the whole, and prevented his deriving from them all the beneficial effects

m Sleid. 505. Thuan. 180. 238. Memoir. de Ribier, ü. 219. 281. 314. Adriani Istor. lib. viii. 507.520.

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BO O Kwhich he expected. Such an unlooked-for occurrence hap

pened at this juncture, and created new obstacles to the ex1551.

ecution of his schemes with regard to religion. Julius III. though he had confirmed Octavio Farnese in the possession of the dutchy of Parma, during the first effusions of his joy and gratitude on his promotion to the papal throne, soon began to repent of his own generosity, and to be apprehensive of consequences which either he did not foresee, or had disregarded, while the sense of his obligations to the family of Farnese was recent. The Emperor still retained Placentia in his hands, and had not relinquished his pretensions to Parma as a fief of the Empire. Gonzaga, the governor of Milan, having, by the part which he took in the murder of the late Duke Peter Ludovico, offered an insult to the fami

of Farnese, which he knew could never be forgiven, had, for that reason, avowed its destruction; and employed all the influence which his great abilities, as well as long services, gave him with the Emperor, in persuading him to seize Parma by force of arms. Charles, in compliance with his solicitations, and that he might gratify his own desire of annexing Parma to the Milanese, listened to the proposal ; and Gonzaga, ready to take encouragement from the slightest appearance of approbation, began to assemble troops, and to make other preparations for the execution of his scheme.

f France.

Octavio OCTAVIO, who saw the impending danger, found it ne'arnese ourts the cessary, for his own safety, to increase the garrison of his ssistance capital, and to levy soldiers for defending the rest of the

country. But as the expense of such an effort far exceeded his scanty revenues, he represented his situation to the Pope, and implored that protection and assistance which was due to him as a vassal of the church. The Imperial minister, however, had already pre-occupied the Pope's ear; and by discoursing continually concerning the danger of giving offence to the Emperor, as well as the imprudence of supporting Octavio in an usurpation so detrimental to the Holy See, had totally alienated him from the family of Far

Octavio's remonstrance and petition met, of consequence, with a cold reception; and he, despairing of any assistance from Julius, began to look round for protection



from some other quarter. Henry II. of France was the on- BOO

X. ly Prince powerful enough to afford him this protection, and fortunately he was now in a situation which allowed him to grant it. He had brought his transactions with the two British kingdoms, which had hitherto diverted his attention from the affairs of the Continent, to such an issue as he desired. This he had effected partly by the vigour of his arms, partly by his dexterity in taking advantage of the political factions which raged in both kingdoms to such a degree, as rendered the councils of the Scots violent and

precipitate, and the operations of the English feeble and un. steady. He had procured from the English favourable conditions of peace for his allies the Scots; he had prevailed on the nobles of Scotland not only to affiance their young Queen to his son the Dauphin, but even to send her into France, that she might be educated under his eye; and had recovered Boulogne, together with its dependencies, which had been conquered by Henry VIII.

ry II.

The French king having gained points of so much con- His league sequence to his crown, and disengaged himself with such with Hen honour from the burden of supporting the Scots, and maintaining a war against England, was now at full leisure to pursue the measures which his hereditary jealousy of the Emperor's power naturally suggested. He listened, accordingly, to the first overtures which Octavio Farnese made him; and embracing eagerly an opportunity of recovering footing in Italy, he instantly concluded a treaty, in which he bound himself to espouse his cause, and to furnish him all the assistance which he desired. This transaction could not be long kept secret from the Pope, who, foreseeing the calamities which must follow if war were rekindled so near the ecclesiastical state, immediately issued monitory letters, requiring Octavio to relinquish his new alliance. Upon his refusal to comply with the requisition, he soon after pronounced his fief to be forfeited, and declared war against him as a disobedient and rebellious vassal. But as, with his own forces alone, he could not hope to subdue Octavio while supported by such a powerful ally as the King of France, he had recourse to the Emperor, who being extremely solicit

he renew

300 K ous to prevent the establishment of the French in Parma, X.

ordered Gonzaga to second Julius with all his troops. Thus 1551. the French took the field as the allies of Octavio ; the ImOccasions perialists as the protectors of the Holy See; and hostilities 1 of hos- commenced between them, while Charles and Henry themcilities

selves still affected to give out that they would adhere in

violably to the peace of Crespy. The war of Parma was and Henry. not distinguished by any memorable event. Many small

rencounters happened with alternate success; the French ravaged part of the ecclesiastical territories; the Imperialists laid waste the Parmesan; and the latter, after having begun to besiege Parma in form, were obliged to abandon the enterprise with disgrace".

between Charles

Retards But the motions and alarm which this war, or the prehe meetng of the parations for it, occasioned in Italy, prevented most of the council.

Italian prelates from repairing to Trent on the first of May, the day appointed for re-assembling the council; and though the papal legate and nuncios resorted thither, they were obliged to adjourn the council to the first of September, hoping such a number of prelates might then assemble, that they might with decency begin their deliberations. At that time about sixty prelates, mostly from the ecclesiastical state, or

from Spain, together with a few Germans, convened . Jenry pro- The session was opened with the accustomed formalities, ainst the and the fathers were about to proceed to business, when the council.

abbot of Bellozane appeared, and presenting letters of credence as ambassador from the King of France, demanded audience. Having obtained it, he protested, in Henry's name, against an assembly called at such an improper juncture, when a war, wantonly kindled by the Pope, made it impossible for the deputies from the Gallican church to resort to Trent in safety, or to deliberate concerning articles of faith and discipline with the requisite tranquillity; he declared, that his master did not acknowledge this to be a general or oecumenic council, but must consider, and would treat it, as a particular and partial convention P. The legate

n Adriani Istor. lib. viii. 505. 514. 524. Sleid. 513. Paruta, p. 220. Lettere del Caro scritte al nome del Card. Farnese, tom. ii. p. 11, &c. o F. Paul, 268.

p Sleid. 518. Thuan. 282. F. Paul, 301.

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