lem.

Mr. Gladstone's government at this time incurred considerable unpopularity in consequence of the Ewelme Rectory appointment, Sir Robert Collier's elevation to the judicial committee of the Privy Council, and other matters. Professor Fawcett, while generally a friend to the ministry, took a decidedly independent tone at this juncture. Speaking at Brighton, and referring to the appointment of Sir Robert Collier, he said it would be far better that a dozen administrations should fall than that Parliament should sanction the act of lawlessness involved in the colorable evasion of a positive legal enactment.

Mr. Lowe. The speech generally was unite for the solution of a difficult probregarded as very successful, and the new member received hearty congratulations from his friends. In the session of 1867, when Mr. Coleridge brought forward his bill to abolish the religious tests required from members of the University of Oxford, Mr. Fawcett was successful in carrying an instruction to the committee on the bill, empowering them to extend its provisions to Cambridge. The measure, however, was subsequently thrown out in the House of Lords. Towards the close of the session of 1869, Mr. Fawcett raised the question of university education in Ireland by drawing attention to the restrictions on the scholarships and fellowships of Trinity College. He had given notice of his intention to move a The Irish University question was not resolution in favor of the removal of allowed to sleep, and in the session of these restrictions, when the authorities of 1873 it was destined to effect a defeat of Trinity College themselves voluntarily the government. Mr. Gladstone introanticipated the motion. Mr. Fawcett duced the ministerial measure, on which brought forward his resolution notwith- occasion he delivered one of his most standing, being anxious for its discussion. In the following session the government carried their University Tests Bill, by which, for the first time, all lay students of whatever religious creeds were admit ted to the English universities on equal terms. Mr. Fawcett also brought in his bill for opening to all sects the endow ments of Trinity college, Dublin. As we have already seen, the college itself had, in consequence of the disestablishment of the Irish Church, determined to consent to the abolition of tests; and Mr. Plunket, the Parliamentary representative of the college, had taken the opportunity, on a motion by Mr. Fawcett for the production of correspondence, to challenge the government to adopt or reject the liberal offer of his constituents. Mr. Fawcett, in moving the second reading of his bill, deliv-establishment of denominational educa. ered an able speech, and he received powerful support from both sides of the House. Mr. Gladstone, however, argued against the bill, without indicating the views of the government upon the whole question, and the solicitor-general for Ireland subsequently talked out the measure. Another attempt was made by Mr. Fawcett to settle this question in the session of 1872, but Mr. Gladstone still declined to allow his hand to be forced in the matter of Irish university education, and the bill was again talked out, without a crucial division being taken upon its principle. In this session Mr. Fawcett spoke powerfully on the education question, exhorting all parties not to waste time in striving after miserable sectarian triumphs, but to

important speeches. When the division on the second reading was taken, the Roman Catholic members coalesced with the Conservatives and placed the government in a minority of three in a House of five hundred and seventy-one members. The premier resigned office, but Mr. Disraeli, being unwilling at the time to succeed his rival, ministers resumed their_places. Before the session closed, Mr. Fawcett again introduced his bill for the reform of the University of Dublin, and this time it was allowed to pass as a simple measure for the abolition of tests. During the debate on the defunct Ministerial Bill, the honorable member had delivered himself of a strong philippic against the government, asserting that their bill, if carried, could lead to no other conclusion but the

tion in Ireland. The bill, however, as we have seen, did not pass, and ministers were now chary of burning their fingers again over the matter.

Mr. Fawcett took a deep interest in all questions affecting India. In fact, so warmly did he identify himself with these subjects that he was once described as "member for Hackney and India." He was for effecting broad reforms in the administration of India. One of his earliest speeches in connection with our great Eastern dependency was delivered on the occasion of the sultan's visit to this country, when it was proposed to defray the expenses of his entertainment out of the Indian revenues. He strongly attacked the government for their proposal, and

found himself one of the most popular Towards the close of the session, Mr. men with the people of India in conse- Fawcett once more raised this topic. quence. In 1872 he delivered a very tell. During the debate on the Indian budget ing speech upon the financial condition of he stigmatized the Indian secretary's staIndia, when he obtained a committee of tistics as fallacious, and moved a resoluthe House of Commons to inquire into tion declaring that the House regarded the condition of the Indian finances. He with apprehension the present position of made on this occasion a strong attack Indian finance; and that, in view of the upon the supposed Indian surpluses, which power claimed by the crown to employ were always said to exist, but which were any number of Indian troops in all parts very difficult to realize. His efforts in of her Majesty's dominions, there was not connection with India and his resistance sufficient security against the military exto the efforts made to take away Epping penditure of India being unduly increased. Forest from the people made him exceed- After a lengthy debate, the resolution was ingly popular with the electors of Hack negatived by 59 to 20. When it was proney. This feeling was further stimulated posed to defray the expenses of the Afby his endeavors to get the benefit of the ghan war out of the revenues of India, Factory Acts extended to the children of Mr. Fawcett moved as an amendment, agricultural laborers, and by his support "That this House is of opinion that it of other humanitarian measures affecting would be unjust that the revenues of India the health and welfare of the humbler should be applied to defray the extraor classes. On several occasions, in the ses- dinary expenses of the military operations sion of 1878, he was heard in the House now being carried on against the ameer of Commons upon Indian questions. He of Afghanistan." He argued that the initiated in the first place an important government had declared the war for imdiscussion on Sir John Strachey's previ- perial far more than for Indian purposes. ous budget, condemning the increase in If the war was an imperial one, then Enthe duties on salt in Bombay and Madras gland was bound to pay for it. He conin order to equalize them over India, when tended that there was no real surplus of Inthey might have been equalized by low-dian revenue, and that the money they were ering them; and the imposition of the proposing to take for the war was money license tax on trades and professions, as appropriated as a famine fund, and obfalling with most weight on the poor. He tained by the most onerous of taxes. also condemned the expenditure of the Gladstone seconded the amendment, but famine taxes on doubtful public works. it was lost by a majority of one hundred Mr. Fawcett delivered a second important and ten. A sharp passage of arms ocspeech in connection with the movement curred early in 1880 in connection with of the Indian troops to Malta, charging the Indian budget. It was found that the Beaconsfield government with having deceived the House in this matter. As to the statement that it was unnecessary for the government to inform Parliament of its intentions, he said “he would rather the government had squandered and wasted millions of English money than that they should have started on the career of bringing Indian troops to fight European battles without consulting Parliament. If this could be done, there was not a single thing the executive could not do without first consulting Parliament. Before such a step was carried out, Parliament ought at least to have been informed of the cost it would involve. Parliament was responsible for the good government of India, and if anything wrong happened there, Parliament could not escape the responsibility." Lord Beaconsfield's government, however, was at this time all-powerful, and its action on this and other questions which excited much comment was endorsed by Parliament.

Mr.

instead of the surplus which the Indian government had expected, when the budget was made public, Sir John Strachey discovered that he would have to make provision for a large deficit, and that this deficit was caused by an extraordinary miscalculation in the cost of the Afghan war. Mr. Fawcett stated at Hackney that Lord Cranbrook was made aware on March 13 of the miscalculation, although the prosperity of India and the existence of a surplus were boasted of by Conservative candidates throughout the general electioneering campaign. Mr. Stanhope indignantly denied this, and Mr. Fawcett at the same time wrote to the papers saying that he had been misinformed. It was not until the elections had nearly concluded that an explicit statement respecting the deficiency reached the India Office. In the following September Mr. Fawcett received from some native inhabitants of Bombay, who had previously subscribed £250 towards

his election expenses, a silver tea service | ings banks in England, Scotland, and and salver of Cutch work, enclosed in a Ireland. The number of depositors is carved wood case, also of native manufac- upwards of three millions, and the aggreture. The case was inscribed, "Present- gate amount of deposits nearly £45,000,ed to the Right Hon. Henry Fawcett, o00. With a few exceptions, these deM.P., by his native friends and admirers positors may devote any part of their in Bombay, India, June, 1880." deposits, or of the interest thereon, to the When Mr. Gladstone came into power purchase of an annuity for old age, or to after the general election of 1880, he prof-securing an insurance policy. A person fered Mr. Fawcett the office of postmas- may also become a depositor with the ter-general, which was accepted. Before sole object of having his money applied the close of the first session of his official to the purchase of an annuity or insurance career the new postmaster-general had policy. Annuities of any amount between introduced several legislative reforms af- £1 and £100 a year can be purchased on fecting the business of the post-office. the life of any person not under five years The most important of these was the of age. There is thus brought within the Money Orders Act, the object of which reach of every family a ready and feasible was to reduce the charge for orders, and plan of insurance and annuity. Mr. Fawto facilitate their currency. The cost of cett determined to make his scheme selforders was reduced, and the transmission supporting, so that it should not become of the notes made less cumbrous. An- a charge in any way upon the taxpayers other reform was also introduced in con- of the country. But while responsible for nection with the savings bank. It was the elaboration of this scheme, the deprovided that forms containing twelve ceased did not fail to give the credit of its spaces each could be obtained at the post- inception to the assistant receiver and office, and when a penny stamp had been accountant-general of the post-office. At affixed in each space, the form might be the time of his death it is understood that put in the savings bank, and an account Mr. Fawcett was engaged in perfecting opened in the name of the depositor. other useful reforms in connection with These reforms the public speedily availed the postal and telegraph services. themselves of to a large extent. Mr. In April, 1867, Mr. Fawcett married Fawcett also established a new parcel post, which has proved a great boon to the mercantile community, though as yet it has not been very successful financially. He further instituted many useful reforms in connection with the postal department, and brought the telegraphic service into a much greater state of efficiency than when he found it. But of all the reforms by which Mr. Fawcett signalized his control of the post-office, perhaps there was none which promises to be more beneficial (especially to the working classes) than his elaborate scheme of post-office annuities and insurance, which came into operation in June of the present year. The chief reason which had heretofore prevented annuities and policies of life insurance from being obtained in any considerable number through the post-office was that so many cumbrous and troublesome formalities had to be gone through. Under the new scheme annuities and insurance are made through the deposits in the postoffice savings banks, and instead of a special visit being required each time a payment is due, the depositor has only to give a written order that a certain portion of his deposits should be devoted to his annuity or insurance. There are more than seventy-four hundred post-office sav

Millicent, daughter of Mr. Newson Garrett, of Aldeburgh, Suffolk. She is the author of a work entitled "Political Economy for Beginners," and of a little volume of "Tales in Political Economy;" and she was also joint author with her husband of a volume of essays and lectures on political and economical subjects. Mrs. Fawcett is well known as an advocate of the cause of women's suffrage, and she has also, with her husband, taken part in many philanthropic movements. Mr. Fawcett, who was sworn in a member of the Privy Council in May, 1880, had also the same year the honorary degree of D. C. L. conferred upon him by the University of Oxford.

From The Spectator.

MR. FAWCETT'S HEROISM.

THE feeling which has been manifested by the great body of the English people of both parties, and of all social degrees, towards the late Mr. Fawcett, is thoroughly creditable to their character. It arises in part, no doubt, from respect for a most sincere and independent politician, who, though ambitious, could adhere to

his opinions in the teeth of popular dis- | speed of movement over a floor that might taste for them; and though a strong Rad- be full of death-traps, of which he could ical, could, and did, resist with all his see no trace. It is all very well to say might that suppression of individualism he was constitutionally brave, and of which is for the moment the temptation of course he was, or he could not have ata party who see victory close at hand, if tempted the feat at all; but courage of only they can adhere for a little while to that surpassing kind is either, as the an almost Prussian discipline. Some world has always believed - and as we thing self-poised in Mr. Fawcett's political incline to believe a distinct virtue, imcharacter always struck, and strongly at- plying, like the kindred capacity of martyrtracted, the average community. But the dom, inner nobleness of soul, or it is a main sources of the popular feeling are gift from above so rare and precious as of undoubtedly sympathy with a misfortune itself to constitute a claim to attention which appeals in a special degree to the and regard. Courage is a fine quality, and active and energetic, exciting in them a the analytical thinkers are wrong in dedepth of pity rarely bestowed on any phys-preciating it; but in courage like this ical ailment not productive either of death much is mixed that is in no way physical or agony, and admiration of the courage perseverance, self-reliance, and resolve with which the natural consequences of that the inner man should master the that misfortune were repelled. It was not outer utterly. Heroes have failed when merely that Mr. Fawcett endured those called on to risk assassination for years consequences without loss of heart or continuously, when sick, when sorry, or ulceration of spirit, in itself a great thing when tortured with nervous disquiet; but to do, for, recollect, he was up to man- Mr. Fawcett faced a danger very similar hood a man of unusually clear sight; but in kind for twenty-seven years, during that he faced them, fought them down, which he did, and did thoroughly well, all routed them, in a battle lasting through a the work of a man who meant to be, and quarter of a century. We feel tempted, was, in the forefront of the political battle. as we consider his life, the work he did, Realize to yourself what it is to be a conand the conditions under which he did it, siderable figure in the House of Comto use language which our readers might mons and to be unable to leave the House consider extravagant; but we will say without gratuitous help. There was more most seriously that we hardly recall in than courage in that life, explain it away history an instance of personal heroism, as we will, and that more was heartily -heroism of the lofty, self-conquering recognized, not only by the blind, who kind, to which it can be fittingly com- everywhere watched Mr. Fawcett's career pared. If there is one to be found, it is in with pathetic eagerness and sympathy, the life of some martyr who found no sacer | feeling him to be in so many ways their vates, because he did not die of his torture; representative, or rather, their ideal man, or in that of some prisoner, who, like but by the whole seeing population, who Poerio, parted with the light of day for could hardly enough admire the self-masyears for the sake of his country; and yet tery patent to them whenever Mr. Fawon his release, when his freedom was an- cett presented himself before a popular nounced to him, could ask as his first audience. The audiences saw, it must be question, "And Italy?" We all know remembered, that he was blind, not only what it is to be in the dark, and the hesi- from his wearing impervious spectacles, tation, the uncertainty, the fear of action but from a pose of the head in speaking which comes over us like a cloud; but which somehow always told the listener Mr. Fawcett, born and reared in the light that the speaker did not see. If we could to manhood, endured that darkness for all show such continuous self-mastery, the years, and so compelled himself that major evils of the world would be half amidst it he did all that men dare do in cured; and we are glad to believe that the the light. He walked, he rode, he skated, people, if they cannot rise to it, can at he faced multitudes as boldly as any other least appreciate it as cordially as if the man. Imagine what the roar of the heroism displayed were of the kind that Brighton mob must have been to him. wins battles, or saves a household from We cannot even conceive of personal the flames. There is gain for men in a courage greater than that which enabled recognition of that kind, larger and of Mr. Fawcett to skate over the frozen better worth than even the gain which marshes from Cambridge to Ely, and to accrues from recognition of the man com. endure for hours without shrinking, or petent to lead. indeed with enjoyment, that tremendous

It is difficult, at least to this writer, to

write of courage like this and we repeat | by reflection, but by instinct. Take the we are not of those who hold even physi- courage out of resignation, and it is pascal courage to be one of the lesser gifts - sive despair, or at best, only the submiswithout considering for a moment whether sion which a convict may show upon the the world, and especially the English scaffold. There are duties to be done in world, which has caught half, rather than the world, and continuous duties, which the whole, of the strong side of Christian- can be done only by virtue of a resignation ity, ever honors sufficiently the virtue most that taxes courage almost as much as Mr. kindred to courage, the virtue of resigna- Fawcett's splendid battle with his destiny, tion. We do not fancy that it does, and though in so different a way. There is think that in ignoring it, or passing it by steel in the Christian virtues, though the as something beautiful rather than strong, Western world hardly sees it yet, and Englishmen lose sight of a grand and a rather sympathizes with the Frank, who permanent source of strength, not only in wished he had been on Gethsemane with character, but in life. It is not in them, his legions, than with the Christ who suf steel we fear, without much reflection, to com- fered, but did not summon them, prehend the majesty to which resignation as strong as the iron which older poets may rise; but it should be in them to see, would have said must have been in Mr. as we believe all Asiatic converts to Chris- Fawcett's heart to enable him to achieve tianity do see, how deep a reservoir of such a victory over fate. He did achieve strength they pass by with their buckets it, and the English people rightly count it unheeding. Resignation is not, as so to him for good; but in the very cordiality many believe, and as preachers sometimes of our acknowledgment that they are right, are apt to imply, submission only, but has we are impelled to put in a word for the in it, when it is genuine, besides submis- virtue which is in so many respects the sion, self-sacrifice, self-compression a same, yet which is so overlooked-which, very different thing, without which there indeed, among Englishmen is perhaps only were no martyrs and courage, not in- perceived in its full greatness as one of deed of Mr. Fawcett's kind, but rising, it the most masculine of all the virtues, by might be, even to the height of his. Sup- the blind, the crippled, and the very poor. pose he had been of another type, incapa- "It is dogged as does it," says Mr. Trol ble, from imaginativeness, of that ride lope's bricklayer; and the doggedness upon iron runners, but yet, like Milton, which we esteem half a fault and half a capable of facing his misfortune calmly, virtue, talking as we do alike of "dogged and deriving from it a clearer mental vis- obstinacy" and "dogged fidelity," is often ion, and additional power for the intellec- nothing but the resignation of the dull. tual work he was competent to do, would'

that have been a less noble form of resistance to the temptation to despair? It would have been a less useful one, and to Mr. Fawcett probably or certainly a less inspiriting one; but we cannot pronounce it to be less noble, or to involve for men of other natures and other types of strength less of the reality of virtus, which Europe, in its unconscious linguistic wisdom, has made to mean both manliness and goodness. The passive virtues do not suit our people; and it is profitless to tell them that they are often as manly as the active ones, that to wait sitting is often the high-examinations are, for the most part, adest proof of courage, that to endure may re- mirable; but in the course of the proc quire more fortitude than to fight, and that esses, in the answering of examination the men on the "Birkenhead" equalled questions, the unexpected constantly hapthe men who rode at Balaclava; but it is pens, and it is the unlooked-for results, well to remind them sometimes of abstract the "surprises" of the occasions, that truths, and this is one, that in the resig- make sport for the Philistines. The sitnation which they only admire as they uation on this head is easily explicable. admire meekness, as a quality which it It is a natural result of the modern systakes a revelation to make fully admirable, tem of preparation for examination the there is often present in full measure that cram system. Examinees bent only on quality of courage which they admire not "getting through" will answer questions

From All The Year Round.

A CHAPTER OF BLUNDERS.

PASS, certificate, and competitive ex-aminations are, no doubt, all sufficiently serious affairs to examinees, and suffi ciently trying ones to examiners. To the outer public, however, to those "who have no son or brother there," such "exams." are, as a rule, nothing if not a source of amusement. The "results" aimed at in