No one

Hyde on his cheerfulness, adding that, for extreme minuteness into most of the points his own part, he could not be cheerful: - on which his impeachment was grounded,

and to show, step by step, how unreason“You,” said Verney, "have satisfaction in able they were, and how hardly he was your conscience that you are in the right; that used. This he does successfully enough, the King ought not to grant what is required but at wearisome length to a modern readof him

but for my part, I do not like er. One only of the personal scenes of the the quarrel, and do heartily wish that the King book is curious enough to be worth particuwould yield, and consent to what they desire. lar reference. It is the one in which he

I will deal freely with you. I have describes his behaviour on hearing of his no reverence for the Bishops for whom this

daughter's private marriage to James II. quarrel subsists."

When informed of the fact by the Marquis

of Ormond and the Earl of Southampton, Clarendon's intense partisanship for the

at the desire of Charles II., he behaved in King and the Bishops, wherever he got it,

a manner which it takes him two pages to certainly went a very long way, for it made describe, the nature of which is sufficiently him thoroughly disingenuous in his subse indicated by the marginal notes which illusquent account of the transactions in which trate them. “The Chancellor struck with he was concerned.

would ever

it to the heart” is the summary of about guess from his writings that he had voted half a page; “and breaks out into a very for Strafford's attainder, or for the Bill for immoderate passion” is the summary of the perpetual Parliaments. Other instances

remainder. It is a most appropriate one, of great forgetfulness or deceitfulness have for the concluding sentences, the stately been exposed elaborately by Mr. Forster, style of which are in strange contrast to in his Life of Eliot

. It ought, however, to their character, are :be observed that both his History and his Life are exceedingly imperfect. He omits

He hoped their Lordships would concur with many matters which ought to have found a him that the King should immediately cause place in his writings. For instance, he the woman to be sent to the Tower, and to be does not even allude to the Act for abolish- cast into a dungeon, under so strict a guard ing feudal tenures.

that no person living should be permitted to In the second stage of his life — the civil come to her; and then that an Act of Parliawar, and the years of exile which followed ment should be immediately passed for the cutit the autobiography adds little to the ting off of her head, to which he would not History of the Rebellion except a certain only give his consent, but would very willingly

be the first man to propose it; and whoever number of personal anecdotes. The most knew the man will believe that he said all this interesting relate to his residence at Jersey,

very heartily. where he employed himself, between 1646 and 1648, in writing his History. As usual, He also observed that he had much rahe commends his own industry with that ther his daughter should be the Duke's grave, measured self-esteem which was pe-whore than his wife," as, in the first case, culiar to him :

he might turn her out of doors, and have

done with her; whereas, in the second, his He seldom spent less than ten hours in the duty as a loyal subject, and as first Minister day (amongst his books and papers), and it can of the Crown, would be to get her head hardly be believed how much he read and writ cut off. This story is often told as a proof there; inasmuch as he did usually compute that during his whole stay in Jersey, which was of the passionate, bigoted loyalty of Clarsome months above two years, he writ daily endon. We agree with Lord Campbell in little less than one sheet of large paper with thinking that his lordship did protest too his own hand.

much, and that in truth he was by no

means so angry as he professed to be. The Creditable enough, but nothing to make a worst part of his whole character and marvel of, one would think.

the fault is illustrated in endless ways - is The third part of Clarendon's Life stands his frequent insincerity. No doubt the alone, relating as it does, to a period sub- events of his life afforded much excuse for sequent to the termination of his History. it, but it shows itself continually, and al. It relates to the first years of the reign of most always in the same form. He keeps Charles II. It is a good deal occupied with continually saying, almost in so many words Clarendon's own personal affairs, which but at all events indirectly —"I am a have now fallen much out of date. He rough, honest, passionate, plainspoken man, finds it necessary, for instance, to go with proud of my sincerity, perhaps too secure in my good conscience. My frank harsh- | disposal.” Clarendon would, no doubt, ness of manner was the cause of all my have liked the Parliament to have greater misfortunes.” The slyness which lurks purity and less power. Charles felt that under this sort of roughness is the s\'est the Parliament could never again recede to thing in the whole world.

the position which it had occupied in the The general view which the latter part of early part of the century, and that the the Life affords of the state of the country only chance of maintaining his power was at the Restoration is exceedingly interesting. by the use of influence. The honester man When attentively read, it shows what an of the two was less favourable to freedom immense change had been made by the than the other. A remarkable summary civil war in the position of Royalty, not- of Clarendon's own views is given in the withstanding the eagerness with which latter part of the book : Charles was welcomed back in the first instance. It has been usual to represent

He did never dissemble from the time of his Clarendon as the grave Mentor, the parti- return with the King, whom he had likewise san of decency and order, who was driven prepared and disposed to the samo sentiments, into exile by the gross ingratitude and whilst His Majesty was abroad, that his opinion wickedness of a King who could not bear was that the late rebellion never could be exhis own vices to be reproved, and of a King's regal and inherent power and preroga,

tirpated and pulled up by the roots till the Court which was the natural enemy of all tive should be fully avowed and vindicated, and decency and gravity. In all this there is a till the usurpations in both Houses of Parliagood deal of truth, but it is not quite the ment, since the year 1640, were disclaimed and whole truth. There are many indications made odious; and many other excesses which which it is impossible to mistake, though it had been affected by both before that time, unwould be difficult to exhibit them at full der the name of Privileges, should be restrained length in a moderate compass, that, apart

or explained. from and over and above the offence given This was the leading idea of all his policy, by Clarendon's well-deserved rebukes of Charles and his vices, Charles perceived

and it is to be traced, in a variety of minute that he did not enter into the spirit of the ways, in all that he has to say on the subtimes, but belonged to a different age. ject of the management of public atfairs. Throughout the whole of his book he speaks He could not forgive Charles for being less of the Presbyterian party in a tone of

of a Tory than himself: rancorous moral condemnation. They had,

The King had in his nature so little reverhe says in one place, no title to their lives

ence or esteem for antiquity and did, in truth, except the King's mercy. All his policy so much contemn old orders, forms, and instiwas in the same direction. Ile never could tutions, that the objections of novelty rather look upon any of the doings of the Long advanced than obstructed any proposition. Parliament with toleration. For instance, the Triennial Act was then as much a part There are a good many incidental reof the law of the land as any other; yet marks in Clarendon's Life which throw Charles said, in so many words, apparently light on the manners of the age which he with the full concurrence of his Chancellor, describes. He gives an account, for inthat he would never permit a Parliament stance, of his way of spending his time to assemble under its provisions, because when he began to get business at the Bar they were derogatory to the Royal power. i. e. at some period being between 1630 So Clarendon continually tried to get the and 1640. How he spent his mornings King to dissolve the Parliament elected does not appear; but he saw his friends at after his return the second Long Parlia- dinner, in the middle of the day. The ment, as it was called. This seemed, and afternoons “ he dedicated to the business of perhaps in some respects actually was, a his profession,” and he read“ polite learnconstitutional measure, but Charles's rea- ing" at night. “ He never supped for many sons for not doing so show what the real years before the troubles brought in that issue between himself and his Chancellor custom.” His vacation he passed in study,

He refused to dissolve the Parlia- except two months in the summer, when ment because he thought he could govern he went out of town. He afterwards through it. His other counsellors told him speaks of the House of Commons rising at " that he would never have such another four as a “disorderly hour," and refers to Parliament, where he had near one hundred dinners given by the popular leaders after members of his own menial servants and the House had risen. Probably this is their near relations, who were all at. his what he means by the troubles bringing in


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the custom of supping. During the civil the bookseller's calling from its condition war there was a rapid transport of de- in his younger days.

" Then,” he says, spatches, “when gentlemen undertook the " Little Britain was a plentiful and perpetual service, which they were willing enough to emporium of learned authors, and men do,” between London and York. Letters went thither as to a market, where they went out at twelve on Saturday night and seldom failed to meet with a greater conthe answer returned at ten on Monday versation. And the booksellers themselves morning: Clarendon, too, gives us the first were knowing and conversible men, with notice of newspapers :

whom, for the sake of bookish knowledge,

the greatest wits were pleased to converse. After he (the King] had read his several let- Thomas Guy, with whose memoir Mr. ters of intelligence, he took out the prints of Knight's book opens, was not one of these. diurnals, and speeches, and the like, which His life, however, was well worth telling: were every day printed at London.

The son of a Thames lighterman who died

when he was eight years old, he was apAfter the Restoration, he speaks of bank- prenticed in 1660 to a bookseller in Cheap

side. In 1668, just after the Great Fire, A tribe that had risen and grown up in Crom- master of a little shop“ near Stocks Mar

he began business on his own account as well's time, and never were heard of before the late troubles, till when the whole trade of ket,” at the corner of Cornhill and Lommoney had passed through the hands of the bard street. The office of King's printer, scriveners.

carrying with it a monoply in the printing of

Bibles, having continued in one careless He thinks it necessary to explain the word family for more than a century, the volumes 6 million

as often as he uses it, by adding, had come to be so “very bad, both in letin a parenthesis, “ Ten hundred thousand." ter and in paper,” that they were hardly

In concluding a notice of Clarendon's legible. Guy was the most enterprising of History of the Rebellion, some time ago, we several booksellers who started a profitable gave a specimen of his occasionalelo- trade in Bibles, printed in Holland. quence. We will conclude this notice of this trade,” says Maitland, “proving not his Life, which is far from being an eloquent only very detrimental to the public revenue, book, with a specimen of the wonderful but likewise to the King's printer, all ways clumsiness into which he habitually allowed and means were devised to quash the same; himself to slide when he wrote under no which, being vigorously put in execution, the special excitement. As a clue to the laby- booksellers, by frequent seizures and prosrinth, we may observe that Clarendon ecutions, became so great sufferers that meant that Lord Falmouth despised Pen, they judged a further pursuit thereof inconand that Mr. Coventry supported him :

sistent with their interest.” Guy found it

his interest to abandon the trade very early. The Earl of Falmouth and Mr. Coventry He made a compromise with the monopolwere rivals who should have most interest in ists and obtained leave to print Bibles in the Duke, who loved the Earl best, but thought London, with types imported from Holland. the other the wiser man, who supported Pen Thereby he soon grew rich. Mr. Knight (who disobliged all the courtiers), even against mistrusts the common stories of his stingthe Earl, who contemned Pen.

iness, and finds him guilty of nothing but Here are five " whos” in one sentence, and ly denies the other stories to the effect that

" the most scrupulous frugality" He boldeach refers to a different antecedent. namely, 1, Falmouth and Coventry; 2, buying as cheaply as he could the paper

he made a great part of his wealth by The Duke of York; 3, Coventry ; 4, Pen; with which it was the custom to pay and 5, Falmouth.

sailors, and then converting them into money at something like their real value. That, says Mr. Knight, was a practice of Charles the Second's

day, but not of Queen

Anne's. Guy doubtless enriched himself From the Examiner.

partly by the sale of Bibles, and yet more Shadows of the Old Booksellers. By Charles by investing the profits of that sale in the Knight. Bell and Daldy.

buying of Government stock and other

lawful ways of making money on 'Change. In his Lives of his three famous brothers, In 1720 he spent 45,5001. in buying South Roger North deplores the degradation of Sea stock at 1201. for the 1001. share. He began to sell out when the shares were decayed door was unfastened, and he entered a worth 3001 , and disposed of the last of them once elegant hall, whose ceiling had partially for 6001. apiece.

fallen. He ascended a dilapidated staircase,

he continues, years old, and he had long before become found the Kit-Cat-Club-room, nearly as it es In that year, however, he was seventy-six not without danger. “But,

"I was well repaid for my pains. Here I famous for his wealth. apart from penuriousness in his personal af- feet high, and forty feet long by twenty feet fairs, he was willing to use freely his wealth, wide. The mouldings and ornaments were in however gotten. * As he was a man of un- the most superb fashion of its age; but the bounded charity and universal benevo- whole was falling to pieces, from the effects of lence,” says Maitland, “ so was he likewise a the dry rot. My attention was chiefly atgreat patron of liberty and the rights of his tracted by the faded cloth-hanging of the room, fellow subjects; which, to his great honour, whose red colour once set off the famous porhe strenuously asserted in divers Parlia- traits of the Club that hung around it. Their ments, whereof he was a member." He sat marks and sizes were still visible, and the in the Ilouse of Commons, as member for chalk, for the guidance of the hangers. Thus

numbers and names remained as written in Tamworth, from 1695 to 1707. In 1705 he was I, as it were, by these still legible names, built some almshouses at Tamworth. In brought into personal contract with Addison, 1707 he added three new wards to St. Stecle, and Congreve, and Garth, and Dryden, Thomas's Hospital, and in 1720 his South and with many hereditary nobles, remembered Sea gains encouraged him to buy ground only because they were patrons of those natural for a new building. Guy's Hospital, com- nobles.” pleted very soon after his death in 1724, cost 19,0001. in erection, and was endowed Of the Kit-Cat Club and its leading by him with 220,0001. Even if there members Mr. Knight gives some interesting were some irregularities in the acquiring of notices. His book is specially rich in dehis money, the good uses to which it was tails about the “old booksellers” of that applied helped to excuse them.

time, the time of Dryden, Steele, and But Thomas Guy, at best, had little be- Swift. Thence he passes to the generation sides prosperity in common with most of the in which Richardson was the most famous booksellers of his time. The King of these bookseller, and one of the most famous auwas Jacob Torison, whose house at Barn thors as well, so famous that Edward Elms, near Barnes, was the summer meet. Young is reported to have said to him, ing place of the Kit-Cat-Club.

Suppose in the title-page of the Night

Thoughts' "you should say, 'Published by Tonson's villa has gone into ruin, with the Author of Clarissa."" the famous room which he built for the meet- About William Hutton, the self-taught ings of the Club, whose walls were hung with and self-made printer of Birmingham, the the portraits of the members. Nearly half a world knows less. This is part of Mr. century ago, their condition was described with some graphic power, by Sir Richard Phillips. Knight's excellent account of his up-bill He says: "A lane, in the north-west corner of work: the common, brought me to Barnes’ Elms, where now resides a Mr. Hoare, a barker of He took a shop at Southwell, fourteen London. The family were not at home; but, miles from Nottingham, paying for its use on asking the servants if that was the house of twenty shillings a year. Here he deposited his Mr. Tonson, they assured me, with great sim- stock of tattered volumes, and “in one day beplicity, that no such gentleman lived there. I came the most eminent bookseller in Southnamed the Kit-Cat-Club, as accustomed to as- well.” He was not, however, a resident in this semble here; but the oddity of the name ex- little town, now better known than it was a cited their ridicule, and was told that no such century ago by being the scene of the first Club was held there; but perhaps, said one to sensible experiment in the administration of the other, the gentleman means the Club that the Poor Laws. The resolute and prudent assembles at the public house on the Common. man thus describes his course of life during a Knowing, however, that I was at the right rainy winter: "I set out from Nottingham at place, I could not avoid expressing my vexa- tive every Saturday morning, carried a burthen tion that the periodical assemblage of the first of from three to thirty pounds weight to Southmen of their age should be so entirely forgotton well, opened shop at ten, starved in it all day by those who now reside on the spot; when upon bread, cheese, and half a pint of ale ; took one of them exclaimed, 'I should not wonder from Is. to 6s., shut up at four, and by trudgif the gentleman means the philosophers' ing through the solitary night and the deep room !" He was conducted across a detached roads five hours more, I arrived at Nottingham garden, and brought to a handsome structure, by nine, where I always found a mess of milk evidently the building, which he sought. The porridge by the fire, prepared by my valuable

sister.” But as might be expected, the labour ple exhibited a short sight, a narrow principle, of such a lite was great and the profit small. and the exultation of power over the defenceIn 1750, therefore, he made a journey to Bir- less." The adroit purchase of two suits of mingham, where he found that three book- clothes from the draper in office was an unquessellers were thriving. One of these, Mr. War- tionable assurance of William Hutton's "reren, I have mentioned as having been associ- ; spectability.” The next year he took a better ated with the early literary efforts of Samuel shop and a dwelling house. He had now a Johnson. Ile was one of three mentioned by prosperous trade, and read the signs of the times Hutton as the “great men” of that active, aright when he set up the first Circulating Liprosperous, and intelligent community. He brary established in Birmingham. thought, however, that there might be room for a fourth in a small way. His way was, Contemporary with Ilutton was Edward indeed, a small one. He agreed to pay a shilling a week for the rent of half a very little Cave, the starter of the Gentleman's Magshop. His stock was not an expensive one.

azine, and Dodsley and Newberry were Upon the invitation of a dissenting minister, only a few years younger. Of them and with whom bis sister had once lived as a ser- others Mr. Knight speaks in his later chapvant, he walked to Gainsborough, and there ters. The last chapter is upon James purchased of his sister's old master a lot of Larkington, son of a journeyman shoebooks at his own price. He estimates their maker, born in 1746. He began life as a weight at two hundred pounds, and he pays baker's boy: for them by the following note: 'I promise to pay to Ambrose Rudsall one pound seven

His first steps in the paths of bookselling are shillings when I am able.'

thus described : “During the time that I lived It is difficult to imagine a more forlorn con with the baker, my name became so celebrated for dition of life than that of William Hutton as selling a large number of pies, puddings, &., he sat amongst his old books, looking in vain that for several years following, application was for customers. There was not a face that he made to my father for him to permit me to sell knew in this populous town. He was sepa- Almanacks a few market days before and after rated from his sister. He saw little hope of Christmas. In this employ I took great demaking his way in the world without money light, the country people being highly pleased and without friends. But gradually two or with me, and purchasing a great number of my three young men came to know the intelligent almanacks, which excited envy in the itinebookseller, and to talk with him upon subjects rant vendors of Moore, Wing, Poor Robin, &c., something higher than those belonging to an

to such a degree, that my father often expressed ordinary retail trade. A popular demand for his anxiety lest they should some way or other literature was growing up. The dealer in sec-do me a mischief. But I had not the least conond-hand books had odu volumes of poets and cern ; for possessing a light pair of heels, I alessayists to tempt the youth who had a six- ways kept at a proper distance. O, my friend, pence or a shilling to lay out; and if Hutton little did I imagine at that time, that I should could purchase any books of greater value, he ever excite the same poor mean spirit in many, could smarten them up by his skill in binding of the booksellers of London and other places. By the most rigid economy he found himself at the end of the first year twenty pounds better than when he began business. He felt that he

At fourteen he left the baker to become was at the beginning of a prosperous career. But a shoemaker's apprentice at Taunton. In suddenly there arose a dark cloud which due time he set up a shop of his own at threatened to shut out all the sunshine of his Bristol, and soon began to sell old books as hopes. There were official tyrants a hundred well as new boots. Before 1780 he reand fifteen years ago, who have continued to ex- moved to London, to open a shop for the ist up to this very time, although their power sale of books alone, the boots being altoof injury has been gradually diminishing. He has described this crisis, in which the fortunes

gether abandoned. This shop, often enof one of the greatest benefactors of Birming- larged, was burnt down some years ago : ham were very nearly wrecked : “ The overseers, but Mr. Knight describes it as he knew it fearful I should become chargeable to the par- in his youth: ish, examined me with regard to my settlement, and, with a voice of authority, ordered me to At one of the corners of Finsbury square, procure a certificate, or they would remove me which was built in 1789, there was a block of from the town. Terrified, I wrote to my father, houses which had been adapted to the purposes who returned for answer, that All Saints, in of a great shop or warehouse, and preDerby never granted certificates,' I was hunt- sented an imposing frontage. A dome rises ed by ill-nature two years. I repeatedly of- from the centre, on the top of which a fered to pay the levies (rates), which was re- Mag is flying. This royal manifestation fused. A succeeding overseer, a draper, of (now become common to suburban publicwhom I had purchased two suits of clothes, houses), proclaims that this is no ordinary value 101., consented to take them. The scru- commercial establishment. Over the prin

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