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whole body of the burgesses were sen Paris, than with the obscure tradesmen tenced to visit the churches of the town who clung to the freedom of their with bare feet and shoulders, the scourge fathers. Grosseteste, a name illustrious of humiliation in their hands, and to in the annals of national liberty, is seek absolution from the parish priest. famous in those of Oxford for the in

Bitter as the humiliation was, the yearly terdict with which he avenged a quarrel renewal of this oath was only the first with the scholars. The indignation which Oxford was destined to undergo. with which the townsmen met the Difficulties of less apparent moment, outbreaks of the new students who but destined to bring about a yet

a yet in the midst of the century came flockharder servitude, lay in the homely ing over from France, brought down on questions of food and lodging. The their heads the censure of the Crown. sudden influx of three or four thousand But the courage of the burghers was boys into the midst of a quiet country unbroken by the thunders of either town would necessarily raise at once Church or State. A nominal submisthe scale of prices, as the licence of the sion satisfied the Bishop. The royal new comers would tax severely the re precepts were evaded or despised. A sources of the town police. To a spirit of more active resistance was scholar of the thirteenth century the slowly aroused, and Oxford girded rise of prices seemed extortion, and the herself to the long, desperate struggle intervention of the police sacrilege. in which, through half a century, she New claims of immunity from civil strove to fling off the yoke of her new jurisdiction, new tariffs of the price of masters. lodgings and food, forged slowly but We can hardly err in tracing the steadily a yoke of bondage for Oxford sterner resolve of the townsmen to the such as no other English town was to new spirit of liberty which now pervaded know. During the first half of the the nation at large. The success of thirteenth century the process of ag the Barons against Henry the Third, gression met with little or no resist the victories of De Montfort, were ance from the townsmen. In their followed in London, as in

in other penance for the murder of the clerks

towns, by revolutions which overthrew they had sworn to assess lodgings and the aristocratic power of the wealthier victual at fair and reasonable rates. But burghers, and established a democratic the control of their markets, of their government under the name of the police, was soon taken quietly out of commune." In Oxford the result of their hands. The rental of every the national struggle was to nerve the lodging-house was assessed by Univer

citizens to the recovery of their older sity authorities, and by a gigantic freedom. The privileges of the Unistretch of power it was ruled that a versity were roughly set aside. The house once used for lodying students control of its police, its houses, its could never be resumed into private markets, was again assumed by the Uses. The jurisdiction of the Chan magistrates of the town. A large cellor gradually superseded that of the number of the scholars retired in Mayor in all cases where a student was dudgeon to Northampton, but the seconcerned. It all but annihilated it cession failed in breaking the spirit of when the privileges of the University the burghers. Their adhesion to the were extended to the whole mob popular side was rewarded by the of retainers, servants, scriveners, who friendship of the Barons into whose hung upon the skirts of the academic hands the power of the Crown had for body. Spasmodic struggles of resist a time passed. Royal precepts forced ance only bound the yuke of bondage the Chancellor to revoke the excommucloser on the town. The sympathies nication with which he had visited the both of Church and State were natu arrest of a scholar by the bailiffs ; and rally rather with the learned University the town showed its gratitude to De which already rivalled the stories of Montfort by closing its gates against

Edward on his march to join the forces townsmen, seems to have goaded the of the King. The closing of the gates scholars to despair. The University gave the signal for the first of a series prevailed on the Crown to remove him of murderous struggles which lasted for from his office as steward of the manor a century. The rough verse of Robert of Beaumont without the gates, and its of Gloucester tells the tale of this Masters vowed that, were he again earliest “ Town and Gown.” The invested with authority, all lectures favourite playground of the scholars should cease till he were again removed. lay in the wide fields of Beaumont Nine years later, in 1297, the weary to the north, and a band of them, struggle broke out anew into open anxious for their sports, answered a conflict, the one mediæval

“ Town rude rebuff from the bailiff in charge and Gown of which we possess an of the gate by hewing it down. The account from each of the combatants. boys rushed out to their games with a This time, however, fresh actors appeared mocking song of "subvenite sancti,” the on the scene. Though the bell of St. psalm that men sung at the burial of Martin's was rung and ox-horns sounded the dead ; and the bailiff was forced to through the streets to summon citizens content himself with arresting some round their Mayor, the townsmen now stragglers and plunging them into felt themselves too weak for an encoungaol. Both sides were now bitterly ter with the mob of students whose irritated and eager for a decisive con arrows and sling-stones cleared the High. flict. The burgesses, mustering behind A body of rustics from the country were their banner in the fields without the summoned to their rescue, and suddenly gate, marched into the town, but the rushed with wild outcries through the head of the column had hardly ap streets. The scholars fled in disorder, peared in the High Street when the inns were plundered, books trodden in bell of St. Mary's swung out its alarm the mire. Again the Royal Council peal. It was the dinner hour, but the intervened. But the tendencies of students flung down their meat, and, Edward the First were everywhere rushing to the fray, forced the citizens aristocratic, and the liberties of the town after a stout resistance to flight. А found this time little favour. The general pillage followed the victory : the Crown returned to its old support of the scholars plundered the bowyers' shops, scholars ; thirteen of the citizens were and, providing themselves with weapons, expelled, the bailiffs turned out of office, sacked Spicery and Vintnery, and house and the town forced to renew its oath after house throughout the town. The of submission to the claims of the townsmen fell back on the protection University. of the Crown, and the decision of the From any real submission, however, it King, now again in the power of the was as far off as ever. The troubles of Barons, went against the scholars. They Edward the Second's reign enabled the were expelled from Oxford, and for a townsmen to evade with security the year the town was its own master. repeated precepts of the Royal Council,

Perilous, however, as the presence of and to retain steadily their own conthe University might be, it was profit- trol of justice and trade. At no time able to the townsmen, and it was at the was the attitude of English boroughs request of the burgesses that the scholars more independent, or their resistance to a year after were recalled. They returned the combination of the royal power with on the distinct pledge that mediators the aristocratic reaction within their should be appointed on either side, and walls more independent. It was at this all things brought to a perfect peace. moment that Bristol, driven to rebellion Bat peace was as far off as ever. The by the oppression of the Castellan and claims of the University remained as the Berkeleys, held out for four years oppressive as before, and they were against successive armies, and made purmet by the same steady opposition. suivant after pursuivant eat the royal Robert Welles, the new head of the mandates which he brought. Ayet

more terrible agitation was rousing to into the King's hand, and the final deci-
life the inert masses of the rural po sion of Edward the Third was a death-
pulation—a resentment against feudal blow to the liberties of the town. The
tyranny which broke out at last in the King's Charter not only confirmed but
communisın of the Lollards, in the ser enlarged the privileges of the University,
vile insurrections of Wat Tyler and Jack it even stripped the citizens of the share
Cade. Already in the riot of 1297 which had as yet been left to them in
the union of the two spirits of discon the control of their trade or the re-
tent had been partially announced; but tainers of the scholars. The Church
half a century passed before the new contented itself with a galling penance.
alliance showed itself in all its terrors. Each year the Mayor and chief burgesses
The conflict of 1354 was not merely the were bound to appear at St. Mary's on
last and fiercest encounter of the two the anniversary of the riot, and celebrate
rivals; it was the direct predecessor of mass for the souls of the slain.
that outburst of national anarchy under With this famous St. Scholastica's day
Ball and Tyler which shook England to the struggle virtually ended. The town
its base. A tavern quarrel ended in the was left prostrate at its adversary's feet.
usual scenes of disorder. On the morn While the rest of the boroughs of Eng-
ing of St. Scholastica's day the towns land had been winning privilege after
men gathered with targets at their church, privilege from baron or king, Oxford
while the scholars seized two of the town had been reduced from a free city to the
gates in the hope of intercepting the powerless vassal of its University. Its
dreaded aid from without. At vespers,

ruin
had in great

measure

been however, two thousand rustics entered wrought by the claims and the thunders the town from the west, a black flag of the Church, but the fall of the was borne at the head of this column, Church at the Reformation, while it and cries of Slay, slay

let none

released every abbey town from its escape e-smite fast; give good knocks," bondage, left that of Oxford unbroken. spread panic through the ranks of the It was in vain that its citizens refused scholars. They fled to their inns, listen for years their oath to the Vice-Chaning through the night to the shouts of cellor, and appealed for the restitution “Havock, havock," from the crowd of their rights to the justice of Elizawhich filled the streets, while the Chan beth. Even the triumph of the Long cellor hurried to the King at Woodstock. Parliament, though the grammar-school Pillage began at dawn. Fourteen inns of Alderman Nixon recalls the symwere forced open; some clerks and pathy of the citizens with the Puritans, chaplains who stood on their defence did nothing for Oxford. It has been were killed and their bodies flung on reserved for our own day to see it raised dunghills, while the bulk of the students again to its old rank among the free fled into the country. Already the bitter cities of England, and restored to the hatred and scorn of the clergy which control of iis own markets and its own was to give strength to Lollardry made police. The exemption of students its appearance in the outrages of this from the common justice of the realm Oxford mob. It was in vain that the

remains unaltered in spite of the Host was carried in procession ; the example of the Scotch universities and crosses of the Friars were flung into the concessions of Cambridge. But it the gutter; the crowns of the chap- is likely that this last relic of a great lains who fell were flayed off “in scorn struggle will soon pass away.

What of their clergy.” It was doubtless this cannot pass away is the dependence on feature of the outbreak that told most the mere traffic of the University, to heavily against the citizens in the pro which in the suppression of commercial ceedings before the royal commission life the town has been reduced, and the which was immediately issued. Both

stamp of clericalism which the contest bodies resigned all charters and rights has impressed upon the University itself.

41

THE HISTORY OF A SUPPOSED CLASSICAL FRAGMENT.

BY ROBINSON ELLIS, M.A.

46

To signalize the detection of falsehood Numina, & antiquum castæ pietatis honorem is a duty in literature as in science:

Proh! Furias & Monstra colunt, impuraque it is on this account that these pages

Turpis

Fata vocant Titii mandata, & quicquid are written. They profess to be little Olympi est more than an abstract of a brochure by Transcripsere Erebo. Iamque impia ponere M. Quicherat, which every scholar would Templa, do well to read, “Sur le prétendu Frage

Sacrilegasque audent Aras, Cæloque repulsos

Quondam Terrigenas, superis imponere ment d'une Satire du poète Turnus," regnis, Paris, 1869.

Qua licet, & stolido verbis illuditur Orbi.” In a work called “Les Entretiens,"

Entretiens iv. chap. iv. pp. 54–56 by Jean Louis Guez Balzac, published

(ed. Rouen, 1659). posthumously in 1657, and subsequently (my copy is dated 1659, and The two parts of this fragment, which was printed at Rouen), the following

I have distinguished by a space, 1-12, lines, taken, as Balzac professes, from a

13-30, are separated by Balzac, who parchment in many places decayed and

prefixes to each a commentary. half eaten away by age, are quoted as

After the lapse of a century, the supan ancient fragment, written by an

pored fragment was included by Peter author of the age of Nero :

Burmann the younger in his “Antho

logia Latina,” vol. ii. p. 645 ; he was Ergo famem miseram, aut epulis infusa

followed by Wernsdorf, who ascribed venena, Et populum exanguem, pinguesque in funus them to Turnus, a satirist mentioned by amicos,

Martial, xi. 10. 1, vii. 97. 8, and classed Et molle imperii senium sub nomine pacis, by Rutilius Numatianus and Joannes Bt quodcumque illis nunc aurea dicitur ætas, Marinoreæque canent lacrymnosa incendia

Lydus with Juvenal. Two undoubted Romæ,

lines by Turnus have been preserved by Vt formosum aliquid nigræ & solatia Noctis ? a scholiast on Juvenal i. 71, unfortuEryo re benè gesta, & leto Matris ovantem,

nately too corrupt to allow us to judge Maternisque canent cupidum concurrere

of his style. Boissonade, in an article Diris, Et Diras alias opponere, & anguibus angues,

in the Journal de l'Empire, 11 Janvier, Atque novos gladios peiusque ostendere 1813, accepted, with some reserve, the letum ?

opinion of Wernsdorf; Ruperti (Pref. to Sæva canent, obscena canent foedosque Juvenal, lxxi.) and Meyer (Anthol. ii.

hymenaos Vxoris pueri, Veneris monumenta nefandæ.

p. 83), say nothing against it; Bähr, in

his history of Roman literature, thought Nil Musas cecinisse pudet, nec nominis olim it genuine ; even Bernhardy, in 1857, Virginei, famæque inuat meminisse prioris.

though believing it to be the work of Ah! pudor extinctus, doctæque infamia turbæ,

Balzac, speaks doubtfully (Geschichte Sub titulo prostant; & queis genus ab Iove der Röm. Literatur, p. 564). The dissummo,

covery of the truth seems to date from Res hominū supra evectæ & nullius egentes, Asse merent vili, ac sancto se corpore fodant.

1837, when an anonymous writer stated Scilicet aut Menæ faciles parere superbo,

the facts in a pamphlet entitled “Lettres dut nutu Polycleti, & parca laude beatæ,

suivies de Notes sur des Riens philoloUsque adeo maculas ardent in fronte re giques,” and the forgery has been recentes,

cently admitted by 0. Iahn, Teuffel, and Hesternique Getæ vincla & vestigia flagri.

Riese.
Quin etiam patrem oblitæ & cognata
Deorum

This supposed fragment of a Neronian

poet was in truth part of a Latin poem 3. "Ite bonæ Charites et testro nuby Balzac. In 1650 Ménage published mine tectæ Ferte hæc verba pii Principis Balzac's Latin verses in three books, fol ante pedes," variations mostly of his own, lowed by some letters of the same author, though for some he had the support of also in Latin. The last part of the third previous editors. But carelessness will book is called "Ficta pro antiquis," a not account for the story of the supposed short series of poems in hexameters or fragment, though it is probable that elegiacs, mostly on subjects connected Balzac affected a general carelessness to with the Roman emperors.

Of these veil his intentional deceit. Intentional the fifth is entitled “ Indignatio in deceit, I say, confidently; only so can poetas Neronianorum temporum. Ad we account for the ambiguous manner nobilissimum Sammauranum Montoserii in which he launches the fragment into Marchionem.Maioris operis fragmen- notice. “Le fragment qui est après tum.” It begins in a fragmentary way l'épigramme, a esté tiré d'un parchewith the last five feet of a hexameter. min pourry en plusieurs endroits, & Then follow eleven more ; then our demy mangé de vieillesse;" words which fragment as far as “Noctis ;” then four might easily suggest to any but a verses not in the fragment, followed by careful reader that the fragment, like “ Ergo Deum torpore et fato matris ovantem the epigram on Xerxes (Riese, 239), of

Maternisque paratum ultro concurrere Diris which Balzac had just before spoken Atque alios angues, peiusque ostendere letum, (Entret. iv. c. 3), but of which he is Horrendasque canent, sancta ut connubia,

careful to present only the two last Tadas ?"

lines, thus making detection more diffiwhich appear in the fragment as cult, was part of the same manuscript. “ Ergo re benè gesta, & leto Matris ovantem,

As a fact, this was the conclusion at Maternisque canent cupidum concurrere which Burmann arriyed. Burmann knew Diris,

(Anthol. Lat., vol. ii. p. 645) not only Et Diras alias opponere, & anguibus angues, Atque novos gladios peiusque ostendere

Entretiens,” but the “ Carmina” letum ?

and “ Epistolæ," of Balzac. Now, in one an improvement which greatly affects the

of these Epistolæ, written to J. Costard,

Balzac says, p. 459, “ Sed en tibi proimpression of the whole. The two lines

missa epigrammata, quæ debemus codici beginning “ Sæva canent” and “Vxoris

Salmasiano,” and he there quotes the pueri” are omitted in the “Carmina,”

five hexameters on roses, “Venerunt aliand the concluding line of the fragment,

quando rosa,” ascribed to Florus in the “Qua licet, & stolido verbis illuditur Orbi,” famous Codex Salmasianus, now 10318 is followed by thirty more.

of the Imperial Library at Paris, from Balzac is a very careless quoter, as

which they have recently been again be seen in other passages. may

In this

edited by Riese (Anthol. Lat., i. p. 101); chapter he quotes Petronius very loosely, and the epigram on Xerxes of eight but with the reservation, “si ma mé

lines,

“Xerxes magnus adest," of which moire ne me trompe”; in Entretien

he cites the last two lines in the “ Enxxvii., an epigram given by Meyer

tretiens.” To this same epigram on (1072) and Riese (877) as follows:

roses he seems to allude again in the

first chapter of Entretien iv., which would “ Cæsaris ad valvas sedeo sto nocte dieque, Nec datur ingressus quo mea fata loquar.

appear to have been written to the same Ite deæ faciles et nostro nomine saltem Costard ;1 and, if we may believe the Dicite divini Cæsaris (præsidis, Ricse) ante pedes:

1 This is nearly certain from Entretien V., Si nequeo placidas affari Cæsaris aures,

au mesme, in which Balzac dilates on roses Saltem aliquis veniat, qui mihi dicat, abi."

in the same manner and with the same allu

sions, as in the Latin letter to Costard. Cf. is quoted by him with the following varia especially, “Je dis seulement que la Rose est tions :-1. “vigilans sto;" 2. “ facta ;"

mon inclination. Cui non dicta rosa est !"

&c. (p. 84); and “Que dites-vous, Monsieur, 1 Duc de Montausier.

de la vision des Arabes qui ont osté la Rose

the "

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