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whole body of the burgesses were sentenced to visit the churches of the town with bare feet and shoulders, the scourge of humiliation in their hands, and to seek absolution from the parish priest
Bitter as the humiliation was the yearly renewal of this oath was only the first which Oxford was destined to undergo. Difficulties of less apparent moment, but destined to bring about a yet harder servitude, lay in the homely questions of food and lodging. The sudden influx of three or four thousand boys into the midst of a quiet country town would necessarily raise at once the scale of prices, as the licence of the new comers would tax severely the resources of the town police. To a scholar of the thirteenth century the rise of prices seemed extortion, and the intervention of the police sacrilege. New claims of immunity from civil jurisdiction, new tariffs of the price of lodgings and food, forged slowly but steadily a yoke of bondage for Oxford such as no other English town was to know. During the first half of the thirteenth century the process of ag. gression met with little or no resist ance from the townsmen. In their penance for the murder of the clerks they had sworn to assess lodgings and victual at fair and reasonable rates. But the control of their markets, of their police, was soon taken quietly out of their hands. The rental of every lodging-house was assessed by University authorities, and by a gigantic stretch of power it was ruled that a house once used for lodying students could never be resumed into private uses. The jurisdiction of the Chancellor gradually superseded that of the Mayor in all cases where a student was concerned. It all but annihilated it when the privileges of the University were extended to the whole mob of retainers, servants, scriveners, who hung upon the skirts of the academic body. Spasmodic struggles of resistance only bound the yoke of bondage closer on the town. The sympathies both of Church and State were naturally rather with the learned University which already rivalled the stories of
Paris, than with the obscure tradesmen who clung to the freedom of their fathers. Grosseteste, a name illustrious in the annals of national liberty, is famous in those of Oxford for the interdict with which he avenged a quarrel with the scholars. The indignation with which the townsmen met the outbreaks of the new students who in the midst of the century came flocking over from France, brought down on their heads the censure of the Crown. But the courage of the burghers was unbroken by the thunders of either Church or State. A nominal submission satisfied the Bishop. The royal precepts were evaded or despised. A spirit of more active resistance was slowly aroused, and Oxford girded herself to the long, desperate struggle in which, through half a century, she strove to fling off the yoke of her new masters.
we can hardly err in tracing the sterner resolve of the townsmen to the new spirit of liberty which pow pervaded the nation at large. The success of the Barons against Henry the Third, the victories of De Montfort, were followed in London, as in other towns, by revolutions which overthrew the aristocratic power of the wealthier burghers, and established a democratic government under the name of the " commune." In Oxford the result of the national struggle was to nerve the citizens to the recovery of their older freedom. The privileges of the University were roughly set aside. The control of its police, its houses, its markets, was again assumed by the magistrates of the town. A large number of the scholars retired in dudgeon to Northampton, but the secession failed in breaking the spirit of the burghers. Their adhesion to the popular side was rewarded by the friendship of the Barons into whose bands the power of the Crown had for a time passed. Royal precepts forced the Chancellor to revoke the excommunication with which he had visited the arrest of a scholar by the bailiffs; and the town showed its gratitude to De Montfort by closing its gates against
Edward on his march to join the forces townsmen, seems to have goaded the of the King. The closing of the gates scholars to despair. The University gave the signal for the first of a series prevailed on the Crown to remove him of murderous struggles which lasted for from his office as steward of the manor a century. The rough verse of Robert of Beaumont without the gates, and its of Gloucester tells the tale of this Masters vowed that, were he again earliest “ Town and Gown.” The invested with authority, all lectures favourite playground of the scholars should cease till he were again removed. lay in the wide fields of Beaumont Nine years later, in 1297, the weary to the north, and a band of them, struggle broke out anew into open anxious for their sports, answered a conflict, the one mediæval" Town rude rebuff from the bailiff in charge and Gown" of which we possess an of the gate by hewing it down. The account from each of the combatants. boys rushed out to their games with a This time, however, fresh actors appeared mocking song of “subvenite sancti,” the on the scene. Though the bell of St. psalm that men sung at the burial of Martin's was rung and ox-horns sounded the dead ; and the bailiff was forced to through the streets to summon citizens content himself with arresting some round their Mayor, the townsmen now stragglers and plunging them into felt themselves too weak for an encoungaol. Both sides were now bitterly ter with the mob of students whose irritated and eager for a decisive con- arrows and sling-stones cleared the High. flict. The burgesses, mustering behind A body of rustics from the country were their banner in the fields without the summoned to their rescue, and suddenly gate, marched into the town, but the rushed with wild outcries through the head of the column had hardly ap- streets. The scholars fled in disorder, peared in the High Street when the inns were plundered, books trodden in bell of St. Mary's swung out its alarm the mire. Again the Royal Council peal. It was the dinner hour, but the intervened.But the tendencies of students flung down their meat, and, Edward the First were everywhere rushing to the fray, forced the citizens aristocratic, and the liberties of the town after a stout resistance to flight. A found this time little favour. The general pillage followed the victory: the Crown returned to its old support of the scholars plundered the bowyers' shops, scholars ; thirteen of the citizens were and, providing themselves with weapons, expelled, the bailiffs turned out of office, sacked Spicery and Vintnery, and house and the town forced to renew its oath after house throughout the town. The of submission to the claims of the townsmen fell back on the protection University. of the Crown, and the decision of the From any real submission, however, it King, now again in the power of the was as far off as ever. The troubles of Barons, went against the scholars. They Edward the Second's reign enabled the were expelled from Oxford, and for a townsmen to evade with security the year the town was its own master.
repeated precepts of the Royal Council, Perilous, however, as the presence of and to retain steadily their own conthe University might be, it was profit- trol of justice and trade. At no time able to the townsmen, and it was at the was the attitude of English boroughs request of the burgesses that the scholars more independent, or their resistance to a year after were recalled. They returned the combination of the royal power with on the distinct pledge that mediators the aristocratic reaction within their should be appointed on either side, and walls more independent. It was at this all things brought to a perfect peace. moment that Bristol, driven to rebellion Bat peace was as far off as ever. The by the oppression of the Castellan and claims of the University remained as the Berkeleys, held out for four years oppressive as before, and they were against successive armies, and made purmet by the same steady opposition suivant after pursuivant eat the royal Robert Welles, the new head of the mandates which he brought. A yet more terrible agitation was rousing to into the King's hand, and the final decilife the inert masses of the rural po- sion of Edward the Third was a deathpulation—a resentment against feudal blow to the liberties of the town. The tyranny which broke out at last in the King's Charter not only confirmed but communism of the Lollards, in the ser- enlarged the privileges of the University, vile insurrections of Wat Tyler and Jack it even stripped the citizens of the share Cade. Already in the riot of 1297 which had as yet been left to them in the union of the two spirits of discon- the control of their trade or the retent had been partially announced; but tainers of the scholars. The Church half a century passed before the new contented itself with a galling penance. alliance showed itself in all its terrors. Each year the Mayor and chief burgesses The conflict of 1354 was not merely the were bound to appear at St. Mary's on last and fiercest encounter of the two the anniversary of the riot, and celebrate rivals; it was the direct predecessor of mass for the souls of the slain. that outburst of national anarchy under With this famous St. Scholastica's day Ball and Tyler which shook England to the struggle virtually ended. The town its base. A tavern quarrel ended in the was left prostrate at its adversary's feet. usual scenes of disorder. On the morn. While the rest of the boroughs of Eng. ing of St. Scholastica's day the towns. land had been winning privilege after men gathered with targets at their church, privilege from baron or king, Oxford while the scholars seized two of the town had been reduced from a free city to the gates in the hope of intercepting the powerless vassal of its University. Its dreaded aid from without. At vespers, ruin had in great measure been however, two thousand rustics entered wrought by the claims and the thunders the town from the west, a black flag of the Church, but the fall of the was borne at the head of this column, Church at the Reformation, while it and cries of “ Slay, slay - let none released every abbey town from its escape-smite fast; give good knocks," bondage, left that of Oxford unbroken. spread panic through the ranks of the It was in vain that its citizens refused scholars. They fled to their inns, listen- for years their oath to the Vice-Chaning through the night to the shouts of cellor, and appealed for the restitution “Havock, havock," from the crowd of their rights to the justice of Elizawhich filled the streets, while the Chan- beth. Even the triumph of the Long cellor hurried to the King at Woodstock. Parliament, though the grammar-school Pillage began at dawn. Fourteen inns of Alderman Nixon recalls the symwere forced open; some clerks and pathy of the citizens with the Puritans, chaplains who stood on their defence did nothing for Oxford. It has been were killed and their bodies flung on reserved for our own day to see it raised dunghills, while the bulk of the students again to its old rank among the free fled into the country. Already the bitter cities of England, and restored to the hatred and scorn of the clergy which control of its own markets and its own was to give strength to Lollardry made police. The exemption of students its appearance in the outrages of this from the common justice of the realm Oxford mob. It was in vain that the remains unaltered in spite of the Host was carried in procession; the example of the Scotch universities and crosses of the Friars were flung into the concessions of Cambridge. But it the gutter; the crowns of the chap- is likely that this last relic of a great lains who fell were flayed off “in scorn struggle will soon pass away. What of their clergy.” It was doubtless this cannot pass away is the dependence on feature of the outbreak that told most the mere tratlic of the University, to heavily against the citizens in the pro- which in the suppression of commercial ceedings before the royal commission life the town has been reduced, and the which was immediately issued. Both stamp of clericalism which the context bodies resigned all charters and rights has impressed upon the University itself.
THE HISTORY OF A SUPPOSED CLASSICAL FRAGMENT.
BY ROBINSON ELLIS, M.A.
To signalize the detection of falsehood is a duty in literature as in science: it is on this account that these pages are written. They profess to be little more than an abstract of a brochure by M. Quicherat, which every scholar would do well to read, “Sur le prétendu Frag. ment d'une Satire du poète Turnus," Paris, 1869.
In a work called “Les Entretiens," by Jean Louis Guez Balzac, published posthumously in 1657, and subsequently (my copy is dated 1659, and was printed at Rouen), the following
ing lines, taken, as Balzac professes, from a parchment in many places decayed and half eaten away by age, are quoted as an ancient fragment, written by an author of the age of Nero : “ Ergo famem miseram, aut epulis infusa
venena, Et populum exanguem, pinguesque in funus
amicos, Et nolle imperii senium sub nomine pacis, Bt quodcumque illis nunc aurea dicitur ætas, Marinoreæque canent lacrymosa incendia
Romæ, Vt formosum aliquid nigræ & solatia Noctis ? Ergo re benè gesta, & leto Matris ovantem, Maternisque canent cupidum concurrere
Diris, Et Diras alias opponere, & anguibus angues, Atque novos gladios peiusque ostendere
letum? Sæva canent, obscona canent fædosque
hymenæos Vxoris pueri, Veneris monumenta nefandæ. Nil Musas cecinisse pudet, nec nominis olim Virginei, famæque inuat meminisse prioris.
a Ah! pudor extinctus, doctæque infamia
turbæ, Sub titulo prostant; & queis genus ab Iove
summo, Res hominū supra evectæ & nullius egentes, Asse merent vili, ac sancto se corpore fædant. Scilicet aut Menæ faciles parere superbo, aut nutu Polycleti, & parca laude beatæ, Usque adeo maculas ardent in fronte re
centes, Hesternique Getæ vincla & vestigia flagri. Quin etiam patrem oblitæ & cognata
Numina, & antiquum castæ pietatis honorem Proh! Furias & Monstra colunt, impuraque
Turpis Fata vocant Titii mandata, & quicquid
Olympi est Transcripsere Erebo. Iamque impia ponere
Templa, Sacrilegasque audent Aras, Coloque repulsos Quondam Terrigenas, superis imponere
regnis, Qua licet, & stolido verbis illuditur Orbi.”
Entretiens iv. chap. iv. pp. 54–56
(ed. Rouen, 1659). The two parts of this fragment, which I have distinguished by a space, 1-12, 13-30, are separated by Balzac, who prefixes to each a commentary.
After the lapse of a century, the supposed fragment was included by Peter Burmann the younger in his “Anthologia Latina," vol. ii. p. 645; he was followed by Wernsdorf, who ascribed them to Turnus, a satirist mentioned by Martial, xi. 10. 1, vii. 97. 8, and classed by Rutilius Numatianus and Joannes Lydus with Juvenal. Two undoubted lines by Turnus have been preserved by a scholiast on Juvenal i. 71, unfortunately too corrupt to allow us to judge of his style Boissonade in an article in the Journal de l'Empire, 11 Janvier, 1813, accepted, with some reserve, the opinion of Wernsdorf; Ruperti (Pref, to Ivonal Juvenal, Ixxi.) and Meyer (Anthol. ii. p. 83), say nothing against it; Bähr, in his history of Roman literature, thought it genuine ; even Bernhardy, in 1857, thorigh believing it to be the work of Balzac, speak3 doubtfully (Geschichte der Röm. Literatur, p. 564). The discovery of the truth seems to date from 1837, when an anonymous writer stated the facts in a pamphlet entitled “Lettres suivies de Notes sur des Riens philologiques," and the forgery has been recently admitted by 0. Iahn, Teuffel, and Riese.
This supposed fragment of a Neronian
poet was in truth part of a Latin poem 3. “Ite bonæ Charites et vestro nuby Balzac. In 1650 Ménage published mine tectæ Ferte hæc verba pii Principis Balzac's Latin verses in three books, fol. ante pedes," variations mostly of his own, lowed by some letters of the same author, though for some he had the support of also in Latin. The last part of the third previous editors. But carelessness will book is called “Ficta pro antiquis,” a not account for the story of the supposed short series of poems in hexameters or fragment, though it is probable that elegiacs, mostly on subjects connected Balzac affected a general carelessness to with the Roman omperors. Of these veil his intentional deceit. Intentional the fifth is entitled “Indignatio in deceit, I say, confidently; only so can poetas Neronianorum temporum. Ad we account for the ambiguous manner nobilissimum Sammauranum Montoserii in which he launches the fragment into Marchionem. Maioris operis fragmen- notice. “Le fragment qui est après tum.” It begins in a fragmentary way l'épigramme, a esté tiré d'un parchewith the last five feet of a hexameter. min pourry en plusieurs endroits, & Then follow eleven more ; then our demy mangé de vieillesse;" words which fragment as far as “ Noctis ; " then four might easily suggest to any but a verses not in the fragment, followed by careful reader that the fragment, like " Ergo Deum torpore et fato matris ovantem the epigram on Xerxes (Riese, 239), of
Maternisque paratum ultro concurrere Diris which Balzac had just before spoken
careful to present only the two last
lines, thus making detection more diffiwhich appear in the fragment as
cult, was part of the same manuscript. “ Ergo re benè gesta, & leto Matris ovantem, As a fact, this was the conclusion at Maternisque canent cupidum concurrere which Burmann arrived. Burmann knew Diris,
(Anthol. Lat., vol. ii. p. 645) not only Et Diras alias opponere, & anguibus angues, Atque novos gladios peiusque ostendere
the “ Entretiens,” but the “Carmina" letum ?”
and “ Epistolæ," of Balzac. Now, in one
of these Epistolæ, written to J. Costard, an improvement which greatly affects the
Balzac says, p. 459, “ Sed en tibi proimpression of the whole. The two lines
missa epigrammata, quæ debemus codici beginning “ Sæva canent” and “Vxoris
Salmasiano,” and he there quotes the pueri” are omitted in the “Carmina,”
five hexameters on roses, “Venerunt aliand the concluding line of the fragment, quando rosa,” ascribed to Florus in the “Qua licet, & stolido verbis illuditur Orbi,” famous Codex Salmasianus, now 10318 is followed by thirty more.
of the Imperial Library at Paris, from Balzac is a very careless quoter, as
which they have recently been again may be seen in other passages. In this
edited by Riese (Anthol. Lat., i. p. 101); chapter he quotes Petronius very loosely,
and the epigram on Xerxes of eight but with the reservation, “si ma mé
lines, “ Xerxes magnus adest," of which moire ne me trompe"; in Entretien
he cites the last two lines in the “ Enxxvii., an epigram given by Meyer
tretiens.” To this same epigram on (1072) and Riese (877) as follows:
roses he seems to allude again in the 6 Cæsaris ad valvas sedeo sto nocte dieque,
first chapter of Entretien iv., which would Nec datur ingressus quo mea fata loquar.
appear to have been written to the same Ite deæ faciles et nostro nomine saltem Costard ; and, if we may believe the Dicite divini Cæsaris (præsidis, Ricse) ante
1 This is nearly certain from Entretien V., pedes: Si nequeo placidas affari Cæsaris aures,
au mesme, in which Balzac dilates on roses Saltem aliquis veniat, qui mihi dicat,'abi.”
in the same manner and with the same allu
sions, as in the Latin letter to Costard. Ci. is quoted by him with the following varia especially, “ Je dis seulement que la Rose est tions :-1, "vigilans sto;" 2. "facta ;" mon inclination. . . . Cui non dicta rosa est ?"
&c. (p. 84); and “Que dites-vous, Monsieur, i Duc de Montausier.
de la vision des Arabes qui ont osté la Rose