A few days after this he received a commission as colonel, to organise and command a new regiment, the Forty-second Ohio Infantry. A hundred students from Hiram College enlisted as a company during the first week, and in a short time the regiment was full. Arming and drilling went on vigorously, the men inspired by the devotion of their colonel, who set himself vigorously to master all the details of military duties and war tactics. In three months they were ready for the field. The regiment was a remarkable one. There were graduates and undergraduates, lawyers, clergymen, teachers, carpenters, blacksmiths, engineers, farmers, printers, and machinists serving in the ranks.

The State of Kentucky was not out of the Union, but there could be no doubt as to its general disloyalty. Its eastern frontier was invaded by 5,000 Confederates under Marshall. In December Colonel Garfield was ordered to report himself and his regiment to General Buell, at Louisville. The historian of the Forty-second Regiment relates his interview with Buell, and the result :

On the evening of the 16th of December Colonel Garfield reached Louisville, and sought General Buell at his head-quarters. He found a cold, silent, austere man, who asked a few direct questions, revealed nothing, and eyed the new-comer with a curious searching expression, as though trying to look into the untried colonel, and divine whether he would succeed or fail. Taking a map, General Buell pointed out the position of Marshall's forces in Eastern Kentucky, marked the locations in which the Union troops in that district were posted, explained the nature of the country and its supplies, and then dismissed his visitor with this remark: If you were in command of the sub-department of Eastern Kentucky, what would you do? Come here to-morrow at nine o'clock and tell me.' Colonel Garfield returned to his hotel, procured a map of Kentucky, the last Census Report, paper, pen, and ink, and sat down to his task. He studied the roads, resources, and population of every county in Eastern Kentucky. At daylight he was still at work; but at nine o'clock he was at General Buell's head-quarters with a sketch of his plans.

Having read the paper carefully, Buell made it the basis of an immediate order, placing Garfield in command of a brigade of four regiments of infantry and a battalion of cavalry, ordering him to Eastern Kentucky to expel Marshall's force in his own way. The result of this appointment was that the battle of Middle Creek was won, the first Federal victory gained, and the Confederates were driven out of that part of Kentucky; and this by men inferior in numbers to their own, and who had never been under fire before. For this service he was made brigadier-general of Volunteers. He took an important part in the battle of Shiloh, and after other valuable services he was ordered to join General Rosecrans at Murfreesborough. In a recent letter Rosecrans says: When Garfield arrived, I must confess I had a prejudice against him, as I understood he was a preacher who had gone into politics, and a man of that cast I was naturally opposed to.' But he adds, 'I found him to be a

competent and efficient officer, an earnest and devoted patriot, and a man of the highest honour.' He was made chief of staff of the army of the Cumberland, and immediately he began to organise a 'Bureau of Military Information,' by which he rendered essential service to the Government and the army.

The influence Garfield acquired over Rosecrans, the manner in which a council of war decided to act on his suggestions and advance upon the enemy, contrary to the written opinion of seventeen of his principal officers, are recorded at length by Whitelaw in his history, and more briefly by Captain Mason in his sketch. The campaign of Tullahoma and the important battle of Chickamauga were followed by Garfield's promotion to be major-general.

While the war was proceeding, and he was thus rendering important service in the field, his native State had elected him to a seat in Congress. He was divided between the two most important calls. His regiment was still at the front, and there he felt he ought to be; but when Rosecrans sent him to Washington to report minutely to the President the state and necessities of the army of Chattanooga, Lincoln strongly urged him to resign his commission, and take his place in Congress. There was no lack of brave and competent generals in the field, but there was a sad lack of men in Congress who understood the wants and requirements of the army, and who were capable, and could be trusted, to deal with the important governmental questions then pending. The question of emancipation was coming up-a war measure ostensibly, but upheaved by a vast amount of popular opinion and strong philanthropic principle—with which there was strong sympathy in Great Britain, especially in some circles. The Confederates were evidently resolved to fight to the bitter end, and the question was, not whether the North was stronger than the South, but whether Congress, the Treasury, and the War Department could bring up men in sufficient numbers, backed with sufficient resources, to strike the decisive blow. The early enthusiasm had declined in some quarters, and the not infrequent blunders and inexperience at Washington had produced their effect on the army, while the long lists of killed and wounded served also to abate the zeal of some. Some of Garfield's fellowofficers joined with the President in urging him to take his seat in Congress, well aware of the value of his experience, his sound judgment, and his ready eloquence. He yielded to their request from a sense of duty rather than from choice.

The four counties in the north-eastern corner of Ohio, lying along the southern shore of Lake Erie, known as the Western Reserve,' were ceded in colonial days to the Connecticut Land Company,' and settled by pioneers from New England.

The conditions of settlement (says Captain Mason) offered special advantages to officers and soldiers who had served creditably in the patriot armies during the VOL. X.-No. 54.

R

war of the Revolution; and thither, in the early years of the present century, came the flower of the energetic, educated, conscientious people of the New England States. So distinctly have the descendants of these pioneers retained the characteristics of their ancestors, that the Western Reserve' is to-day more like a portion of Massachusetts or Connecticut than any other similar district west of the Hudson river. It is a reading, thinking, praying community, which is remarkably fastidious in its choice of political representatives, keenly watchful of their conduct, and loyal to them against all opposition so long as they are faithful to their trusts.

The honour this constituency conferred on the young majorgeneral was soon reflected on themselves. On entering the House, he was at once assigned to the Committee of Military Affairs, and he soon became almost the controlling influence there. But this paper is far too limited to allow of even the slightest sketch of his multifarious labours both in and out of Congress. From the head of the Military Committee he became, after the war was ended, chairman of the Committee on Banking and Currency, and, still later, chairman of the Committee of Appropriations. This committee deals with all governmental expenditures, including those of the army and navy, the postal service, the improvement of rivers and harbours, the consular and diplomatic and other services, preparing estimates and schemes for the disposal of Congress. He strenuously opposed the false measures in reference to paper money which produced the panic of 1873, and contended for a measure which should restore money to its proper value. A passage from one of his speeches has reference to one of our English sovereigns:

Mr. Speaker, I remember that on the monument of Queen Elizabeth, where her glories were recited and her honours summed up, among the last and the highest, recorded as the climax of her honours, was this-that she restored the money of her kingdom to its just value. And when this House shall have done its work-when it shall have brought back values to their proper standard-it will deserve a monument.

This subject of finance had been one of close study with him, especially English finance. The entire record of British legislation on commerce and currency for two hundred years had been so studied that he had all their most important facts at command. And therefore, when several prominent statesmen brought forward in Congress plans for meeting the difficulties of the Government which would amount to an absolute repudiation of their promises, Garfield stood up and fought the battle of justice and right. His words on this occasion are worth recording:

The dollar is the gauge that measures every blow of the axe, every swing of the scythe, every stroke of the hammer, every faggot that blazes on the poor man's hearth, every fabric that clothes his children, every mouthful that feeds their hunger. The dollar is a substantive word, the fundamental condition of every contract, of every sale, of every payment, whether from the national Treasury or from the stand of the applewoman in the street. Now, what is our situation?

There has been no day, since the 25th of February 1862, when any man could tell what would be the value of our legal currency dollar the next month or the next day. Since that day we have substituted for a dollar the printed promise of the Government to pay a dollar. That promise we have broken. We have suspended payment; and have, by law, compelled the citizen to receive dishonoured paper instead of money.

After pointing out the errors and wickedness of this system, he concluded by urging the gradual restoration of the ancient standard of value, which will lead us,' he said in conclusion, by the safest and surest paths to national prosperity and the steady pursuits of peace.'

The obnoxious measure was defeated; but in July of the following year, a Bill was introduced to tax the United States' bonds. Garfield was again a stout opponent. He concluded an able speech by saying, in tones which produced their due effect on the House :

Mr. Speaker, I desire to say, in conclusion, that in my opinion all these efforts to pursue a doubtful and unusual, if not dishonourable policy, in reference to our public debt, spring from a lack of faith in the intelligence and conscience of the American people. Hardly an hour passes when we do not hear it whispered that some such policy as this must be adopted, or the people will by-and-by repudiate the debt. For my part, I do not share that distrust. The people of this country have shown, by the highest proofs Nature can give, that wherever the path of duty and honour may lead, however steep and rugged it may be, they are ready to walk it. They feel the burden of the public debt, but they remember that it is the price of blood-the precious blood of half a million of brave men who died to save to us all that makes life desirable or property secure. I believe they will, after a full hearing, discard all methods of paying their debts by sleight of hand, or by any scheme which crooked wisdom may devise. If public morality did not protest against any such plan, enlightened public selfishness would refuse its sanction. Let us be true to our trust a few years longer, and the next generation will be here with its seventy-five millions of population and its sixty billions of wealth. To them the debt that remains will be a light burden. They will pay the last bond according to the letter and spirit of the contract, with the same sense of grateful duty with which they will pay the pensions of the few surviving soldiers of the great war for the Union.

The matter was justly deemed to be of so grave a character, and the fear was with equal probability entertained that the sentiments of the inflationists would compromise the national credit abroad, that the Secretary of the Treasury had the two speeches of General Garfield printed in pamphlet form and sent to the leading statesmen and financiers of Europe. A copy came into the hands of Mr. John Bright, who showed it to Mr. Gladstone. They marked their sense of appreciation of the speeches by nominating their author as an honorary member of the Reform Club, a motion which was readily carried, and which General Garfield regarded as a high compliment.

British economists may possibly take exception to General Garfield's views on the tariff, but the result might be different if they could look at the subject from his side as well as their own. 'As an abstract theory,' he remarks, the doctrine of free trade seems to be

universally true; but, as a question of practicability, in a country like ours, the protective system seems to be indispensable.' The fact is, he takes a middle course, and contends for protection not for its own sake, but as a means to an end. 'I am for a protection,' says he, which leads to ultimate free trade. I am for that free trade which can only be achieved through a reasonable protection.'

For other features of General Garfield's public work, and for the steps which led to his election by a good majority to the Presidential chair, reference must be had to Captain Mason's excellent sketch. We will only add here that General Garfield has a wife who is worthy of him, the choice of his early days, and one who is not carried away from her simplicity of living by the sudden elevation of her husband, and who is well fitted to be his patient helper and peaceful solace amid all his weighty cares, as also to train their five children to follow the worthy example of their father. The mother of the President, who fought so nobly the difficulties and endured so patiently the trials of her early widowhood, still lives to meekly share the blessings Providence has sent her family. In the plain but comfortable brick house which the General built some years ago in Washington, or in the neat Gothic farmhouse, a few miles east of Cleveland, the country home of her son, she spends her now declining days in peace, contented and happy, but looking forward to that home above where there are no partings and no tears.

ROBERT SHINDLER.