POPULAR HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER I.

Cromwell's return to London.-Reforming policy of Cromwell.-Conference on the Settlement of the Nation.-Foreign Relations of the Commonwealth.-Differences with the United Provinces.-Dutch War.-Commerce.-The Navigation Act.-The Navy of England.-Blake.-Battles of Blake and Van Tromp.-Petition of the Army to the Parliament.-Dialogue between Cromwell and Whitelocke.-The question of future Representation.-Dissolution of the Long Parliament.-Public Opinion on the Dissolution.-Summons for a Parliament.

THE Parliament and people of England felt that Cromwell had saved the Commonwealth. He had done more than maintain a form of government. He had stopped the triumphant return to unlimited power of a prince who, once seated at Whitehall by military superiority, would have swept away every vestige of the liberty and security that had been won since 1640. The greater part of Europe was fast passing into complete despotism; and the state vessel of England would have been borne along helplessly into that shoreless sea. The enemies of Cromwell-the enthusiastic royalists and the theoretic republicans—saw, with dread and hatred, that by the natural course of events, the victorious General would become the virtual head of the Commonwealth. He probably could not suppress the same conviction in his own breast. Ludlow thus writes of Cromwell's return to London after the battle of Worcester: "The General, after this action, which he called the crowning victory, took upon him a more stately behaviour, and chose new friends; neither must it be omitted, that instead of acknowledging the services of those who came from all parts to assist against the common enemy, though he knew they had deserved as much honour as himself and the standing army, he frowned upon them, and the very next day after the fight dismissed and sent them home, well knowing, that a useful and experienced militia was more likely to ob

struct than to second him in his ambitious designs. Being on his way to London, many of the Members of Parliament, attended by the City, and great numbers of persons of all orders and conditions, went some miles out of the town to meet him, which tended not a little to heighten the spirit of this haughty gentleman. * In a word, so much was he elevated with that success, that Mr. Hugh Peters, as he since told me, took so much notice of it, as to say in confidence to a friend upon the road in his return from Worcester, that Cromwell would make himself king."* Again and again Ludlow dwells upon the expression used by Cromwell in his letter to the Parliament, as if it were a foreshadowing of his own "crowning." Later writers accept it in the same sense. Cromwell's real phrase is this: "The dimensions of this mercy are above my thoughts: it is, for aught I know, a crowning mercy.' "" To one who was as familiar with Scripture phraseology as Ludlow was, it seems extraordinary that he should attach any more recondite sense to this epithet than that of a perfecting mercy or victory. "Thou crownest the year with thy goodness is the same as "Thou completest the year with thy goodness."

men.

The authority of the Commonwealth being supreme in every quarter-England tranquil; Ireland subdued; Scotland incapable of attempting any further enterprise of a royalist character; the Channel Islands now garrisoned by a parliamentary force ;-the reduction of the army was a natural policy. The Militia had been disbanded; but the great body of men in arms, who had so largely influenced the course of military and civil events, were still allpowerful. The regular army was reduced to twenty-five thousand The General made no opposition to a measure which in some degree arose from a jealous apprehension of his power. He was now most strenuous for the advancement of two great measures -an Act of Amnesty, and a Law for the Election of future Parlia ments. These subjects had been often discussed, and as often laid aside. Upon Cromwell's return to London, he urged both measures forward with his wonted energy. They were just and salutary measures; yet evil motives were ascribed to him by the republicans. "He grew," says Ludlow, "most familiar with those whom he used to show most aversion to; endeavouring to oblige the royal party, by procuring for them more favourable conditions than consisted with the justice of the Parliament to grant, under colour of quieting the spirits of many people." The Law ↑ Ibid., vol. ii. p. 447.

"Memoirs," vol. i. p. 365, and vol. ii. p. 447.

CONFERENCE ON THE SETTLEMENT OF THE NATION. 15

for the Election of future Parliaments was passed, by the House voting that it would not continue its sittings beyond the 3rd of November, 1654. Even this half measure was only carried by a small majority. It became manifest that the Parliament did not rest on very secure foundations. The old question of a Settlement of the Nation was very forcibly revived in many minds. How difficult a question it was may be collected from Whitelocke's report of a Conference held at Speaker Lenthall's house, by request of Cromwell. We do not attempt to abridge this account, which has been termed “dramaturgic ”—" of a date posterior the Restoration”—but which, at any rate, shows us how these solid puritanical statesmen conducted their business :-

"Upon the defeat at Worcester, Cromwell desired a meeting with divers members of Parliament, and some chief officers of the army, at the Speaker's house. And a great many being there, he proposed to them, That now the old king being dead, and his son being defeated, he held it necessary to come to a Settlement of the Nation. And in order thereunto, had requested this meeting; that they together might consider and advise what was fit to be done, and to be presented to the Parliament.

'SPEAKER. My Lord, this company were very ready to attend your Excellence, and the business you are pleased to propound to us is very necessary to be considered. God hath given marvellous success to our forces under your command; and if we do not improve these mercies to some settlement, such as may be to God's honour, and the good of this Commonwealth, we shall be very much blameworthy.

'HARRISON. I think that which my Lord General hath propounded is, To advise as to a settlement both our Civil and Spiritual Liberties; and so, that the mercies which the Lord hath given unto us may not be cast away. How this may be done is the great question.

'WHITELOCKE. It is a great question indeed, and not suddenly to be resolved! Yet it were pity that a meeting of so many able and worthy persons as I see here, should be fruitless. I should humbly offer, in the first place, Whether it be not requisite to be understood in what way this Settlement is desired? Whether of an absolute republic, or with any mixture of monarchy.

'CROMWELL. My Lord Commissioner Whitelocke hath put us upon the right point; and indeed it is my meaning, that we should consider, Whether a Republic, or a mixed Monarchical Govern

ment, will be best to be settled? And if anything Monarchical, then, in whom that power shall be placed?

6 SIR THOMAS WIDDRINGTON. I think a mixed Monarchical Government will be most suitable to the Laws and People of this nation. And if any Monarchical, I suppose we shall hold it most just to place that power in one of the sons of the late king.

'Colonel FLEETWOOD. I think that the question, Whether an absolute Republic, or mixed Monarchy, be best to be settled in this nation, will not be very easy to be determined.

'LORD CHIEF-JUSTICE ST. JOHN. It will be found, that the Government of this nation, without something of Monarchical power, will be very difficult to be so settled as not to shake the foundations of our laws, and the, liberties of the people.

'SPEAKER. It will breed a strange confusion to settle a Government of this nation without something of Monarchy.

'COLONEL DESBOROW. I beseech you, my Lord, why may not this, as well as other nations, be governed in the way of a Republic? 'WHITELOCKE. The laws of England are so interwoven with the power and practice of Monarchy, that to settle a Government without something of Monarchy in it, would make so great an alteration in the proceedings of our Law, that you will scarce have time to rectify it, nor can we well foresee the inconveniences which will arise thereby.

'COLONEL WHALLEY. I do not well understand matters of Law but it seems to me the best way, not to have anything of Monarchical power in the settlement of our Government. And if we should resolve upon any, whom have we to pitch upon? The king's eldest son hath been in arms against us, and his second son likewise is our enemy.

'SIR THOMAS WIDDRINGTON. But the late king's son, the duke of Gloucester, is still among us; and too young to have been in arms against us, or infected with the principles of our enemies.

'WHITELOCKE. There may be a day given for the king's eldest son, or for the duke of York, his brother, to come into the Parliament. And upon such terms as shall be thought fit and agreeable, both to our Civil and Spiritual Liberties, a Settlement may be made with them.

'CROMWELL. That will be a business of more than ordinary difficulty! But really I think, if it may be done with safety, and preservation of our rights, both as Englishmen and as Christians, That a settlement with somewhat of Monarchical power in it would very effectual.'"

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