turally be reconciled to those evils, which they would see a disposition to alleviate, and a mutual interest to redress.

Every part of the empire will feel the benefit of the reform; but no where will the great advantages of the measure be likely to prove more salutary than in that most interesting part of the empire -IRELAND. From the deep interest I take in the concerns of that country, from my idea of its mighty importance, have I reserved the mention of it till last; though the consideration of the manner in which I could devote my best service to it has never been out of my mind, never till now did it mature any practicable plan, calculated to give universal satisfaction to that generous, that insulted people, with perfect security to the state. If reform is necessary here, it applies much more forcibly there; indeed, the peculiar situation of that country makes it a measure of imperious necessity.--On the subject of Ireland I can hardly speak, from the fear of trespassing on the rule I had laid down for my conduct on this occasion. I dare not venture to trust myself with the grievances of Ireland. It is a subject I, cannot discuss without a more considerable degree of warmth, than is consistent with that dispassionate line of conduct I am upon this occasion particularly anxious to maintain. My desire is to have Ireland united with this country upon terms, however, very different from those which at present exist. I should wish to see there a perfect equality of advantage, and no exclusions. Of the present union, so called, I shall speak but little at this time: suffice it to say, that it was a measure contrary to the wishes, repugnant to the interest, and revolting to the feelings of that nation; and effected by means the most flagitious, if the most unblushing corruption on the part of the agents, and the breach of every solemn assurance to the great body of that people, not only implied but expressed by the government of that country, deserve the appellation. Instead of that parchment union, I shall propose a real union of heart and affection, founded on the broad basis of the constitution, of equal rights, and reciprocal interests. Away with that crooked policy, that narrow-minded bigotry of legislation, that intolerable intolerance, which keeps alive perpetual heart-burnings, hatred and revenge. I wish not to dwell upon this system; it

is high time to put an end to it.-Is it to be any longer endured, that four millions of Irishmen should be aliens and ontlaws in their native land? Is it safe to have four millions of the people thrust out of the pale of the constitution? Is it consistent with reason, with common sense, putting justice out of the question, any longer to tolerate such a system?— By the adoption of reform, the government will have the fairest opportunity of removing the principal ground of dissatisfaction in Ireland; now will be the time to do every thing without yielding any thing, to legislate upon enlarged principles; knowing nothing of particu lar parties, sects, or factions; keeping alive no distinction of catholic, protes tant, and presbyterian, tory, whig, or jacobin; alarmning no prejudice, insulting no party, they may now include the whole within one bond of union of the constitution, embracing and insuring the safety and tranquillity of the empire at large. We shall then, and not till then, have an united kingdom-one king—one people. We shall by this recurrence to the constitution, not only seat the chief magistrate upon his throne, and fix the crown upon his head, but we shall place within his hand the sceptre and legiti mate power of the King, in despite of those 157 borough-mongers, who have TRAITEROUSLY usurped all but the pageantry and outward shew and forms of royalty.

What is the condition of the King under this faction? Instead of taking advantage of the elevation of his situation, where the constitution had placed him, as the eye of the nation, for the purpose of taking extensive views for the advantage of the national interests, beyond the contracted horizon of ordinary men, his whole time is employed, his whole skill directed, not towards the duties of his high office, but in trying to keep his balance, in endeavouring to conciliate the support of such and such a borough-monger, in order to obtain his permission to allow the government to go on.-In truth, the borough-faction have such power, that he is more like a rope-dancer than a king; as they make it necessary for him to be perpetually on the alert to balance himself on his slippery elevation, while the utmost he can do is to keep his place. Such is the state to which he is reduced under the influence of this ignominious system, instead of having his throne fixed on the

rock of the constitution, and bound to the hearts of a whole people. This is not the situation in which the laws and constitution have placed the King, nor that which his dignity requires, and the best interests of the people demand.

The system, of which I have now given but a short sketch, which was in- . troduced at the revolution, and grew out of the encroachments on the prerogatives of the King, aided by the innovations of time, has already cost this nation nearly eight hundred millions of debt; for though it has been wittily said, that one half of this enormous debt has been incurred in resisting the perfidy and restless ambition of the house of Bourbon, the other half in striving to replace it on the throne of France, this is not true; the fact is, the whole has been incurred in the prosecution of the scheme of corrupting this house.

This question is so completely decided by Magna Charta," which," as Lord Coke says, "is such a fellow that he "will bear no equal," so strongly fortified by all, our constitutional laws, that no inferior authority can be required; but, were I so disposed, I could cite a host of legal and constitutional writers; and all those members of this house, who have from time to time expressed their sentiments in support of this measure, whose arguments were never confuted, and whose talents, though successful on all other occasions, were unavailing when exerted in support of reform. This problem, however, is easily solved, when we consider that the appeal is made to the borough-mongers themselves, whose interest is opposite to the measure. Their interest is different from that of the people.

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consist in re-uniting them again.-For this purpose I shall propose:

That freeholders, householders, and others, subject to direct taxation in support of the poor, the church, and the state, be required to elect members to serve in parliament. That each county be subdivided ac-cording to its taxed male popula tion, and each subdivision required to elect one representative. That the votes be taken in each pa

rish by the parish officers; and all the elections finished in one and the same day.

That the parish officers, make the re

turns to the sheriff's court to be. held for that purpose at stated periods.

And, That parliaments be brought back to a constitutional duration. The simplicity of this plan appears from its being the true constitution of England, which has already prepared all the means ready to our hands of carrying it into immediate effect; and I make no hesitation in delivering it as my welldigested opinion, that under the operation of this reform, it would be attended with much less difficulty to return a whole parliament, than to settle dispute at a vestry about a parish pauper. By the adoption of this plan of reform, those disgraceful practices, which now attend even county elections, would be put a stop to. No bribery, perjury, drunkenness, nor riot; no "wealthy brewer," as was humourously described, who, disappointed of a job, takes, in consequence, "the inde"pendent line, and bawls out against

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corruption :" no opportunity would remain for such mock patriotism :-no leading attornies galloping about the country, lying, cheating, and stirring up the worst passions amongst the worst people :-no ill blood engendered between friends and relations-setting families at variance, and making each county a perpetual depository of election feuds and quarrels:-no demagogueing.

If I am a demagogue, I am as complete a felo de se as can well be imagined-this puts an end to the occupation:-There would be an end to all odious and fanciful distinctions of persons and property-all would be simple and uniform; their weight and influence proportioned to their intrinsic valueno qualifications nor disqualifications no invidious exclusions by reason of

any office, from the highest to the lowest, either in the elector or in the elected no variable, fantastical, litigious rights of voting-no possibility of false votesno treating no carrying out voters--no charges of any kind-no expence, legal or illegal-no contested elections.-The people would have a choice without a contest, instead of a contest without a choice; no sham remedies worse than the disease pretended to be cured-no Grenville act; here I speak feelingly; I have undergone this remedy. It is the remedy of a toad under a harrow. "Haud ignara malis, miseris succurere "disco." That act, which has been so highly extolled, was itself called a reform;- as all the acts aggravating the mischief, which have been substituted for the constitution, are called in this house.

Under the operation of that act, I have suffered a greater pecuniary penalty than any which the law would have inflicted for any crime I could have committed; this remedy is a luxury, a man must be very rich indeed to indulge himself in. I could not afford it a second time, and preferred abandoning my seat after having been returned, to undergoing another operation of the Grenville

act.

One great object I have in view is to relieve other gentlemen from the like benefits, by preventing the necessity of having recourse to such remedies in future-by getting rid of all disputes, and contested elections: this good con sequence will result from the adoption of this plan, besides preventing endless litigation, ruinous expence, perjury, ill blood, and periodical uproar and confusion, this house will be saved one-third of its time in election committees; and the statute book will be relieved from the shameful burden of one hundred and thirteen confused and intricate laws, all pitiful substitutes for the constitution.

There may be some gentlemen who think we should not get a better assembly within this house by this or any other plan of reform.-Even supposing, but by no means admitting, such should unaccountably be the case, the positive evils we should get rid of are sufficient recommendations to its adoption. It must also give rise to other important results-those who complain of popular clamour of persons allying themselves with the people against the sentiments and decisions of this house, would cease to have any room for complaint. In

the event of such a reform no such clamour could exist, no such alliance could be formed; for then the sense of the people would be truly and fairly collect ed within these walls.

The benefits that would immediately follow the adoption of this reform are incalculable. Though I am not one of those who would apply a sponge to the debt of the nation, yet I am firmly per suaded, that a reformed house of commons would introduce such a system of economy, both in the collection and expenditure of the public revenue, as would give instant ease to the subject; and finally, and that at no very distant period, by a due application of national objects, and to them alone, free the people from that enormous load of debt and consequent taxation, under which the nation is weighed down.

Three descriptions of persons, I will admit, would have great cause to complain of this reform:- The boroughmongers-the lawyers-and the King's printer. The whole of the question then is, which is to be preferred, the interest of the whole empire, or the inte rest of the borough-mongers-the lawyers-and the King's printer?

At all events, I hope this consequence will follow, that after this night it will not be asserted nor insinuated, that have any concealed purpose, that I shrink from speaking my sentiments frankly, that I decline to act an open part, or that I have any designs beyond those I avow: notwithstanding what 1 have urged, I beg leave to repeat, that I am open to conviction; that I am still ready to listen to all fair reasoning on the subject; that I have nothing to bias my mind; nor any other view than the public good. It will, at the same time be naturally understood, that having devoted so much of my time and reflection to this subject of vital importance, my opinions cannot easily be shaken nor affected by slight and common-place arguments.

I have stated fully and dispassionate ly, and I hope clearly and satisfactorily. to this house and to the public, the re medy for all our grievances, which I have been so often called upon to produce. I have obeyed that call: in that, at least, I hope I have given satisfaction. The remedy I have proposed is simple, constitutional, practicable, and safe, calculated to give satisfaction to the people, to preserve the rights of the

propensities of human nature. Thus much he thought it necessary to say; and he did not think that there was any occasion for his going farther. As to the hon. baronet's proposition, that the house had admitted that some reform was necessary, he never understood that any such admission had been made. He did not believe that the house would allow that it had ever made any such admission; and the manner in which the hon. baronet's proposition had been received, convinced him that he was correct in his opinion. It would be really raising the plan of the hon. baronet into an importance which it did not deserve, to dwell upon it at any greater length. The house, he observed, was ready to come to a decision; and all that he could say, in addition to the remarks he had already made, would only serve to create embarrassment and delay, in a matter which was already sufficiently clear.

Mr. Madocks observed, that the right hon. gentlemen had, through the course of his speech, assumed that the plan of the hon. baronet was that which would be insisted upon, and ultimately adopted in every particular, provided the house agreed to enter at all into the consideration of the subject. The right hon. gentleman had no title to make this assumption, although he admitted that the great leading points of the plan of the hon. baronet ought to be preserved. The real question was, whether the country was to be amused with the pretence of a representation, or whether it was at length to have a real and efficient one. The main point of the plan was the vesting of franchises in the resident householders. A better regulation than this could not be well conceived. It had been treated in a distinguished work lately published, which those who desired to gain information on this subject could not peruse with too much attention, as it contained the most solid and satisfactory reasons for the adoption of such a regulation. It had been the invariable practice in every reign from the time of Edward the First to that of Charles the Second, to alter the state of the representation with respect to boroughs. These alterations proceeded upon the variations which took place among the towns, some rising into opulence, others sinking into insignificance; and in all the plans of reform that had been proposed to the house, whether by

Mr. Pitt, Mr. Grey, or others, it was always a leading feature to do away the rotten boroughs, and to vest the right of voting in the resident householder. He would take the liberty of reading a quotation from the work to which he had alluded, which was particularly applicable to the point in question.

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"The species of property which con"stitutes this qualification has the advantage of being open, ostensible, and incapable of being disputed. It indicates a real residence, and implies a stationary interest in the place for "which the vote is given and the repre "sentative chosen. But besides the "possession of a competent property, of "which the occupation of a house pay❝ing taxes is a sufficient presumption, a "householder has other qualities which "ought to recommend him to a favour"able distinction, and particularly to "the trust in question. He is necessa "rily the master, and probably the "father of a family. In the first cha"racter he has a personal credit and

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respect to maintain: in the second " he has given hostages to society. He "is the natural guardian and virtual re "presentative, not only of his family and servants, but of all those who depend

upon him for support, protection, or " employment. Such a station deserves "confidence, and should be made re "spectable, that all men may be promp❝ted and encouraged to rise to it. The "relations and duties that belong to it

are antecedent to positive institutions, "and constitute at once the basis and security of civil society !"

The right hon. gentle man opposite had given no answer to his hon. friend; nor was the plan, if properly understood, liable to the objections which he had stated. With, respect to property which an hon. gentleman below had considered as the basis of the representation, no one could doubt that property was the true basis; and it was because property was not the basis of representation at present, that he wished it to be altered. What right had Old Sarum, and Midhurst, and Gatton to send representatives to

parliament upon that principle? The notion of universal suffrage he held to be absurd. But surely it was even more absurd, and contrary to the principles of the constitution, to give the right of sending members to parliament to an old wall, or to 25 stones in a field. The bill which had lately passed in that house