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tered position of the French troops, merely to the necessity of employing them on another theatre, and by no means from a consideration for Austria. The unconditional recognition of the new King of Spain was, under these circumstances, no indispensible procedure; and since, moreover, the most weighty objections to this measure presented themselves on all sides, his Majesty thought himself justified in not carrying it into effect. But even in the negocia tions on this proposal, his Majesty evinced, with a clearness that could not be mistaken, his invariable desire to avoid whatever could give the French government just reason for dissatisfaction.

The residence of the Emperor Napoleon in Erfurt cast a new, and no very joyous light over the real state of things. What was mentioned there, what was required from him amid the most vehement threats, was to be considered as nothing but a commentary upon the declaration of the 30th. of July. Far from relinquishing either the substance or the form of that declaration, the Emperor Napoleon on the contrary boasted, that, as a proof of extraordinary forbearance, and at the same time as an especial complaisance to the friendly mediation of an independent sovereign," he has hitherto spared Austria."

troops which remained in Germany and Italy assembled at several principal points; and it was no further to be doubted that the long determined attack upon Austria was delayed only till the arrival of fresh reinforcements; and when possibly the threatening preparations made might have a disheartening influence upon the counsels of the Aus trian cabinet.

His Imperial Majesty had laboured with sincere and indefatigable perseve rance for the maintenance of peace. He had, during three long years, submitted to many severe and unjust demands of the French cabinet, without giving utte rance to a single complaint. He had brought a long series of costly sacrifices to his longing wishes for repose. He had even at different times indulged the idea of forming, by means of new trea ties, more definite relations with France; an idea which, in fact, could never be realised, because his Majesty sought for nothing by it but pledges for the perma nence of repose, and security for himself and his neighbours: that is, he sought such conditions as the French cabinet must necessarily oppose, and not accede to in the pursuit of projects of a totally different character. When, finally, every thing was thought to be exhausted which had been imagined, in order to put the The campaign in Spain led to a pause amicable sentiments of Austria to the of some months; but no sooner did'the severest proofs, the French government, Emperor Napoleon believe, that to a nevertheless, succeeded in driving his certain degree he had assured himself of Majesty to resistance, by insisting that the conquest of that unhappy country, he should desist from those measures than the storm burst forth against Aus- which were essential to the defence of tria with renewed violence. It was from the country.-To purchase peace at this the interior of Spain that the first com- price was impossible. The monarchy mand issued for the armament of Ger- was from that moment annihilated, when many. The Emperor's return to Paris they on whom was imposed the care for was the signal for the most detestable its preservation were ready with their lampoons, in which the pretended de- own hands to destroy the bulwark of their signs, the past calamities, the present existence. The Emperor Napoleon external and internal condition, and even could not have deceived himself conthe most illustrious persons of the Aus- cerning the import of his desire, nor trian house, were treated at one time with would he have ever formed such a prederision, and at another time with bitter- tension, if that, which could not but ness; and no means were left unemploy- necessarily follow it, had not already ed to alienate the esteem and confidence constituted a part of his plans. Whatof his people from the sovereign, his ever may be done, either now, or hereservants, and system of government. after, to conceal the point of view from Chance alone could not have caused which the present relations must be these articles to appear in every public judged, there will always remain but paper simultaneously. It was impossi- one single charge, against which Aus ble to mistake their origin. At the same stria has nothing to say. To lay claim time, the German Princes under the into independent existence, at a crisis fluence of France were occupied in put-when one state after another was losing ting their collective military power into its ancient constitution and indepen a state of preparation. All the French dence-this alone was Austria's offence.

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-The often-repeated expression of the Emperor Napoleon, that he has nothing to require of Austria, could have no other import than this-that Austria should felicitate herself on the integrity of her empire (for the moment at least, and till further arrangemeuts), but stripped of all the attributes which could impart to her firmness and worth, without enjoying any security for the future; without the political influence which is inseparable from the existence of a great state, or claiming a voice in the common concerns of Europe. If this intimation, that France required nothing of Austria, were not sufficiently refuted by a long series of facts, but principally by the insolent pretensions to condemn, as unwarrantable, measures of mere territorial defence, it would still, in the form in which it stands, characterise more distinctly than the ablest description, the state of the monarchy till then, and the condition of Europe.

His Majesty has recourse to arms, because the duty of self-preservation does not permit him to comply with the condition upon which alone the French cabinet grants the continuance of peace; viz. to yield up the means of a just defence, because he dares no longer delay the protection of countries and nations, which God has entrusted to him, a gainst an invasion long planned, more than once clearly announced, and now ripe for execution; because he is sufficiently acquainted with the thoughts and wishes of his people, to know that there is not one among them who would not prefer the utmost exertions in their power to an ignoble self-annihilation by voluntary subjection.

His Majesty has embraced this resolution with a feeling which must inspire himself and every just defender of his cause with confidence; for not only is the step which he has been impelled at length to take the most just in itself, but his Majesty rejoices in the consolatory and inestimable assurance that the whole world acknowledges it to be so. The Emperor's just principles—his detestation of unnecessary wars-his long but ineffectual efforts to avoid the conflict which has now burst forth, are so notorious; the designs of the enemy are so little concealed, and the motives which have called for this final resolution are so decisive, that truth and justice must be banished from the earth, if all free judgments were not unanimous concerning the origin of this war!

The immediate object of his Majesty was to put an end to that unnatural and ambiguous state in which Austria during three years has vacillated; a state which under the vain denomination of peace, has involved it in all the sacrifices, burthens, and dangers of the most oppressive war; and to place the country in a situation which may secure it the honourable repose of a real peace. But such a situation cannot subsist while foreign armies, it matters not under what pretence, are allowed to hold the monarchy in a state of perpetual siege; it cannot subsist while the political and military relations of the states which surround Austria, are of such a quality, that it needs only a single order, a hint from a foreign country, to spread over the whole Austrian frontier the apprehension of hostile incursion; and while seriously intended, or merely illusive movements, or only the threatening proximity of a numerous army, ready to strike, compel the adoption of extraordinary means of defence, and costly armaments,

The security of the Austrian monarchy cannot, therefore, be sought in an insulated state. It cannot be conceived as separate from the state of adjoining countries, and from the general condition and constitution of the collected system of European state policy. Austria can find a perfect guarantee of her independence, only in that degree of independence in the powers which surround her, which the claim of universal dominion, from whatever quarter it proceeds, would render impossible. Austria cannot, and ought not to look with careless indifference upon the state of those powers, more especially Germany and Italy.— Her interest is too closely, too indissolubly interwoven with the interest of those countries. The central position of her monarchy causes her to come too frequently in contact with those states; and the station she has held for centuries, and the share she has taken in all great European concerns, has connected her too intimately with the whole body politic, to permit her, without sustaining a mortal wound, to be torn from it.

His Imperial Majesty's wishes and sentiments are in perfect harmony with the unalterably prescribed interests of his dominions. Next to the duty of providing for the welfare of his subjects, and the support of his throne, his Majesty will at all times consider those as the most sacred which spring from a sincere regard for the repose, felicity, pros,

perity, and lawful freedom of his neighbours. The Emperor will never deem himself authorised to interfere with the internal relations of foreign states, or to

assume to be the judge of them, or their system of government, or their developement of their power. He demands a just reciprocity, Far removed from ambition and jealousy, the Emperor will envy no other sovereign, his power, his fame, or his just influence; it is only in the exclusive claim to these prerogatives that lies the object of general apprehension, and the root of everlasting wars. It is not France which has generated the present conflict, in the prosperity, and maintenance of which his Majesty will always feel an interest, but the progressive extension of a system, which under the indefinite title of a French empire, allows Europe to enjoy no other than its law. That conflict will cease, and all the wishes of his Majesty will be fulfilled, when the reign of moderation, forbearance, the reciprocal independence of every state, respect for the rights of each, the inviolability of treaties, and the preponderance of pacific councils, shall assume the place of an arrogant system of sole and exclusive

dominion.

By what means, and to what extent these just wishes may be realised, his Majesty leaves in the hands of Providence. Only thus much he ventures confidently to promise, that even for his own supeme interests, for the undimi, nished preservation of his monarchy, he will never adopt or require measures which can encroach on the well acquired rights, independence, and security of other states, and that if the success of his arms should correspond with the justice of his views, the same results of the war from which Austria expects an adequate guarantee of her independence and her future repose, will at the same time be in perfect harmony with the true interests of her neighbours, and the common welfare of Europe.

RUSSIA.

DECLARATION, dated May 5. The peace between France and Austria, which has long been wavering, is at length entirely at an end. By the last advices, the Austran troops have entered the Duchy

of Warsaw, and the states of Saxony and Bavaria.It is thus that the flames of war which had been so lately extinguished upon the conti nent have just been rekindled, and, by the force of circumstances, it is necessary that all the powers of Europe should take up arms again,The preparations for war on the part of Austria were the first cause of this misunderstanding. Russia could not see these with indifference; every means were employed from the be ginning to put an end to them: the guarantee of Russia of the integrity of the Austrian States was even of fered, and at the same time it was declared, that in virtue of the existing alliance with France, every attack upon the present order of things would be considered as a violation of the rights stipulated by treaties, which ought to be maintained by the force of arms. Austria not rejecting the pacific insinuations made to her, pretended at first that her measures were only defensive; that they were occasioned only by the fear of the danger which threatened her; that her intention was not to undertake an offensive war, and that she would not break the peace.Facts have proved of how little value these assurances were. The measures of defence which progressively in creased have changed into offensive measures. In the room of the fear that was expressed, ambitious plans have been developed, and the war was broken out by the invasion of foreign states, even before any claration of war in the accustomed form. Austria, who knew perfectly

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well the conduct which Russia would hold under the present circumstances, has determined to renounce her friendship, and rekindle the flames of war even upon our frontiers, ra ther than desist from her projects,

In consequence orders have been given to the Russian ambassador at Vienna to quit that capital imme‐ diately, and it has been declared to

the Austrian ambassador at this court, that from this moment his diplomatic functions have ceased, and that all relations are broken off, with him and his court.

PROCLAMATION of Prince Gallitzin, who has the command of the Russian army which has penetrated Gallicia, addressed to the inhabitants, in the Russian and Polish languages, dated May 11, 1809. Russia could not behold, with indifference, the war that has broken out between France and Austria.Russia did every thing to prevent the commencement of these hostile operations. She declared even to the court of Austria, that, pursuant to articles of treaty between the Emperors of Russia and France, and to the close alliance entered into by those two powers, she' should be obliged to act in concert with France. Austria listened to none of these remonstrances; but long endeavoured to conceal her warlike preparations under pretence that she was obliged to adopt necessary measures for her security and defence, till she at last,

by open hostilities, betrayed her de signs, and kindled the flames of war.

Russia has no longer hesitated to take a part in a war in which she is bound to engage by the most solemn treaties. As soon as she learned that hostilities had commenced, she broke off all relations of friendship which had subsisted between her and Austria, and gave orders to her army to advance into Gallicia. The com mander in chief of the army entering that province to oppose the views of Austria, and to resist force by force, has received from his Majesty the Emperor express orders solemnly to assure the peaceable inhabitants of Gallicia that the views of Russia are not hostile; that amid all military operations, the security and safety of persons and property shall be most strictly respected. The commander in chief shall prove, by his conduct, that the principles recommended by his Sovereign are also consonant to his own inclinations and feelings. PRINCE GALLITZIN, Commander in Chief.

ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE.

THE PUBLIC GOOD THE CONCERN OF THE WHOLE COMMUNITY.

To the Editor.

The illfounded prepossession which exists against private individuals taking any part or interest in public affairs, is one of the principal causes why they are so badly administered; and why the grossest abuses are so long permitted to prevail: for by this disposition, which in some men arises from indolence, in others from selfishness, and in others from the fear of offending those to whom they are subservient, it becomes extremely difficult to rouse the public mind upon any question of great national moment. It is by no means requisite that upon every trivial or light

occasion the sense of the nation should be taken in public assemblies, for this would go nearly to supersede the utility of the great national council, and tend to that species of democracy which produced the fall of Rome by its tumultuous and venal dispositions; yet it is undoubtedly requisite, in order to check the growth of abuses, that individuals should be generally enlightened upon every public question of great importance, and ready when the occasion requires, to give their opinions in public with freedom, spirit, and impartiality.

To accomplish this end, nothing can more essentially conduce than a disposition elevated above the petty squabbles and concerns of private

life, and alive to every thing, how ever small, which concerns the public good; yet it is by no means requisite that any man should neglect the minutest particle of his own interest, consistent with uprightness and integrity; or that he should even disregard the character and concerns of others when these deserve either praise or censure; for the opinion which men entertain or express of each other in private life, contributes much to the maintenance of that moral jurisdiction with which the public is invested for the support of virtue and the suppression of vice; all that is here meant, is that every man should bestow that leisure which even the most busy may enjoy, in the consideration of public affairs by the perusal of such publications as may put him in possession of useful information, without much expence of time or money. The good effects of this employment of our leisure will be felt not only in public but in private life; for both men and even women of cultivated minds, when their time is unoccupied by any interesting concerns, will naturally turn their attention to the concerns of others, and talk of things with which they have no right to meddle, thus continually fomenting private quarrels, and disturbing the social comfort of their acquaintance or relations, and even of those with whom they have no concern. Every trifle in another man's dress,or diet, or internal economy, becomes a subject of serious conversation or satirical reproof; and thus the tranquillity of private society is disturbed by a parcel of idlers, who employ their own leisure in censuring the most venial and trifling errors of their friends, or fellow citizens.

To remedy this troublesome disposition nothing can be more efficacious, than to elevate the mind above the daily trifles of private life, to the important concerns of the public, and to feel an interest in that which

interests all, even to the lowest peasantry; and there is something in this much more noble, more generous and more disinterested, than to be constantly occupied in some little, paltry, trifling pursuit, which at the best can only put a few pounds a-year into the pocket, and must inevitably render the mind sordid, selfish and illiberal.

Itis by no means here to be understood that any man should neglect his private or peculiar concerns; yet as men possess different degrees of leisure, from the peer to the peasant, it can only be required of them, to attend to public concerns in proportion to that which they enjoy from their immediate and personal concerns. -To those who are occupied in toiling for their daily bread, little leisure can remain for the consideration of public affairs.; of them therefore little is required; in every condition above those who labour at stated periods for their living, there is time sufficient to attend in different degrees to the affairs of the nation; and all those who omit thus to employ a portion of their leisure are guilty of criminal negligence, inasmuch as every member of the community owes to the whole that time which he can spare from his individual duty, and by so bestowing it he will be found to consult not only the public interest but his own; for it is the voice of the public alone which can hinder bad ministers, from adopting ruinous measures and thereby burdening the public with taxes, and by oppressive laws restraining their liberty.-To this criminal indolence, or selfishness or cowardice, it is that we must attribute the langour and indifference that prevail in different parts of the nation at this momentous period, for out of the whole fifty two counties of England and Wales, not above nine or ten have publicly interfered in the great ques

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