Jesus Christ, our Lord and Saviour. Amen." As we approached the close of this discourse we were expecting those "suitable" and "useful reflections which the occasion might suggest," and which were promised by the preacher, both in the first paragraph of his sermon when delivered from the pulpit, and in the advertisement prefixed to it on its publication but the reader may judge of our disappointment when, after the common place compliment paid to the king above quoted, we read the following concluding paragraph. "Upon political topics I have neither time nor inclination to insist in this place, or upon this occasion. I shall therefore conclude with expressing my ardent concurrence in that petition of the public prayer, which if it be granted, will render the ensuing year the happiest Jubilee that the world ever saw, ' that peace and security may be restored to the people, and concord and independence to the contending and bleeding nations.' Amen." 66 Upon this occasion," we cannot help exclaiming" Most lame and impotent conclusion !"-A christian minister, of considerable talents, in the habit of professing sentiments the most enlightened and patriotic, on a grand political occasion shrinks from the duty imperiously demanded of him, and when volunteering in the service of the day, instead of addressing the consciences of his hearers, and awakening them to a due sense of the present awful state of the nation, coldly declares he has neither time nor inclination, for the performance of what we must beg leave to assert, was the most important part of that duty. Mr. Belsham is surely one of the last persons whom the friends to national virtue, and to civil and religious liberty would have suspected of such a palpable omission. Where is the mantle of his illustrious predecessors PRICE, PRIESTLEY and LINDSEY? Has he totally forgotten the appropriate and excellent discourses preached and pubhished by the two former of these departed worthies of our British Israel, on great political occasions→→ discourses which we hope are to be found in his library, and which previous to his preaching another political sermon he would do well to peruse with the attention they de serve.* What adds to our disappointment, is the recollection of a sermon of Mr. Belsham's, preached only four years since on the death of Mr. Fox. Of the opinion which the preacher entertained of that eminent statesman we may judge from the text chosen on the solemn occasion, 2. Sam. xvi. 23. And the counsel which he counselled in those days, was as if a man had inquired at the oracle of God. Has he forgotten that the name of his illustrious" oracle," was, on account of the sentiments he ex pressed concerning the RIGHTS and the SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE, erased by the royal pen from the list of privy counsellors? Has he forgotten the description of an administration, which subsisted nearly one half of the present reign,† and their consequences ruined almost all whose plans and measures have in the regular governments on the continent, and which, unless prevented by a total change of system, will, as * If the preachers of the present day will turn to Dr. Price's most excellent sermon, delivered Nov. 4, 1789. and which passed through six editions, they will find an admirable reproof to those persons who are more deserving the title sovereign. of the flatterers, than the friends of our 66 + Mr. Fox in one of his speeches described Mr. Pitt, as “having added more to the burdens, and taken away "more from the rights of the people, "than is recorded of any minister in the "annals of English history; and having "destroyed inore human beings in fo"reign wars than Lewis XIV. and attempted the lives of more innocent "men at home than Henry VIII.” sure as there is a God in heaven, who loves righteousness and hates wickedness, terminate in the ruin of Britain! Have the measures pursued since the death of Mr. Fox, tended to reconcile the mind of the preacher to the general system? Is he become the defender of the obstinate perseverance in a war marked in its origin by its folly and injustice, and in its progress by calamity, misery, and failure? Dare he utter a word in public or in private to apologize for that foulest blot on the annals of our country, the infernal expedition to Copenhagen? Why did he not speak out, and give us his sentiments respecting the justice, the policy, the humanity, and the piety of what has been justly terined in the two houses of parliament " our "new code of morality?"-Neutrality in a christian minister on such an important occasion, and which can never again occur during the life of the preacher, scarcely deserves a softer name than criminality: but álas! he had neither" time," nor "inclination" to say any thing on public affairs, except to flatter the executive authority! The" personal virtues of the sovereign" appear to our author a sufficient reason for calling on the nation to join in a general jubilee. "Personal virtues" we acknowledge to be of the utmost importance, not only to private individuals, but more especially to men in exalted stations. Would to God the " personal virtues of our sovereign" had more influence on various branches of the royal family; on courtiers, statesmen, and senators; and that they might thereby be shamed out of their vices but we must beg leave to maintain, that the "personal virtues of the sovereign" do not warrant the celebration of a national jubilee. Was not our Henry VI. eminently distinguished for his piety and virtues? and yet, so unfortunate and inglorious was his reign, that had it continued for half a century, a general mourning would have been more suitable than a general jubilee. A reign in which the GENERAL SYSTEM has been marked by wisdom, productive of the virtue and the happiness of the people at large, and by justice towards foreign states, can alone warrant the observance of such a festival. Christian ministers who have been so anxious to celebrate the recent jubilee might have taken a hint from heathens. Mr. Addison in his tragedy of Cato, represents the Roman patriot, when reminded of the "private virtues" of Cæsar, as exclaiming-"Curse on his virtues, they've undone his country!" Now, altho' no one can draw even the most distant comparison between the tyrant who waded to the throne through the blood of his fellow citizens, and who finally robbed them of their liberties, and the lawful sovereign of Britain, yet the sentiment expressed by the Roman senator, should make us cautious, lest in panegyrising the virtues of the governor, we lose sight of the errors of his government. We are the more impressed with the importance of this consideration, when we reflect on the effects of the fashionable sentiment on the public mind in various instances beside the present. We allude to Mr. Wilberforce, and men of his description, whose virtues we are persuaded have, in several instances, tended to undo their country!" How often have we in conversation when reprobating certain enormities practised in the East Indies, in Ireland, and off Copenhagen,--when challenging a vindication of our wars on the principles of justice, and of christianity. 66 when conviction appeared to be rising in the minds of individualshow often have we been answered by the exclamation-" If these enormities were such as you represent them to be, those good men could never have sanctioned them !"-Thus by contemplating partial virtue, the seeds of virtuous principles have been completely eradicated. The foundation principles of justice and goodness, must, however, amidst the numberless fluctuations of opinion, and errors of men in stations private or public, remain the same; and it is in proportion, and in proportion only, as the private virtues of a sovereign have au influence on the pub lic measures of his reign, that a people can be justified in joining in a national jubilee. The Jubilee; a Sermon delivered Sunday, Oct. 22. in Argyle Chapel, Bath. By William Jay. From several passages in this sermon it is evident, that the mind of the popular and respectable preacher was not entirely free from embarrassment, as to the part he should act on the occasion. His apology for preaching on the subject of the Jubilee, is founded on the example of St. Paul, who, we are told, "borrowed from the institutions of judaism, and heathenism, from the manners of the age, from the festive games.... who was made all things to all men, that he might by all means save some." Now, where this admirable principle constitutes the main spring of action, the man of candour and benevolence will be inclined to overlook many irregularities in its application, yet it will scarcely admit of doubt, that a christian, and more especially on important occasions, involving the welfare of an empire, ought to be well persuaded of the part he is acting: and the Apostle Paul we are. convinced would not have joined a nation in the observ ance of a festival, the nature, design, and end of which he did not fully approve." Happy is the man who condemneth not himself in the thing that he alloweth. Mr. Jay confesses in the introduction to his discourse, "that his design is not to indulge in applauding, or censuring the mea sure, but to enable his hearers to improve it, especially in aid of religious reflection." Whatever doubts the preacher might entertain as to the propriety of celebrating a Jubilee, his conduct most certainly proclaimed to the world his approbation of the measure. From the text Lev, xxv. 10. It shall be a Jubilee unto you :—the preacher explains the nature of the ancient Jubilee makes some remarks on the design of it-and examines what there is in the gospel to correspond with it. The leading ideas throughout the discourse are similar to those in Mr. Belsham's, except under the third head, where there is a difference naturally to be expected between the Unitarian and the Calvinist. Mr. Jay's Calvinism is, however, of the moderate cast, and the language he employs in describing the blessings of the gospel, principally borrowed from scripture, is plain, animated, and well adapted to impress those persons to whom the gospel is more particularly addressed, the common people who hear it gladly. This head of the discourse, is introduced by the following observations, which are well deserving the attention of preachers in general, and more particularly of a certain class who are fond of finding out meanings of scripture which no one ever discovered but themselves, and which not unfrequently are used for the sake of confirming the prejudices, instead of enlightening the under standings of their hearers. "I am sorry to be obliged to remark that the figurative language of divine re velation has been frequently abused by violence, and debased by littleness. Expositors and preachers have too com monly supposed that a conformity was to be sought for in every attribute, and in every circumstance of the subject. Whereas a real, and striking degree of similitude is all that is required in any writer; and the same will hold with retypes of the scripture. This being pre gard to the metaphors, parables, and mised, we are not afraid to bring the Ju T "In every well ordered state it will be an object to fix those who reside in it, not by necessity, but by choice and preference! The secret to prevent at once emigration and disaffection, is to cause some flowers to spring up around the cottage, however humble; to keep the soil from becoming barren and dreary; to secure some enjoyments, some advantages that will render the idea of home estimable and attractive; and make the individual feel an interest which he is unwilling to resign, and determined to defend. That which we have a propriety in, we seldom disregard. This was the case with the Jews. The provision of Jubilee attached them to their own country, and their native soil. They viewed with veneration and affection the estates that had descended from their ancestors, and were to be continued to their posterity. Even when they had no share in possession, they had one in remembrance; they had one in hope; and could never feel detached from the commonwealth of Israel. "The levelling of property is impossible, and absurd. Yet a state is never in a prosperous condition when the community is divided between two classes only, the very rich, and the very poor; and the various intermediate degrees that constitute the strength, the happiness, the glory of a country disappear. The law of Jubilee prevented at once abject poverty, and excessive accumulation of wealth It was impossible for any to gain very large possessions, either by usurpation, mortgage, purchase, or heirship. The tendency to departure from the original medium of estate, both in deficiency and excess, was seasonably checked, and the balance restored. We read that something like this was established among the La cedemonians by their famous legislator Lycurgus. He not only banished slavery, but instituted a kind of equality, or rather mediocrity of fortune. His endeavour was, as far as he was able, to hinder any one from becoming too powerful, or too rich. Such was the design of the ostracism which he introduced. It consisted in expelling citizens whose wealth and influence rendered their aggrandizement prejudicial to the state. A similar plan also was proposed by Stolo. To repress the avarice of the old Romans, he made a law which for bad any particular person from having more than five hundred acres of land. Fraudulence soon destroyed this wise constitution; and he himself was condemned for violating his own statute. Never was there a people upon earth so secure of their liberty and property as the Israelites were; for while they were protected from the invasion of their enemies by the promise and providence of God; by the Jubilee they were not suf fered to lose these privileges, even by their follies and vices, unless partially and for a time." After reading such a description, we cannot but remark that the con trast between the ancient Jubilee, and that thing yeleped a Jubilee in our day, must have been so appa rent both to Mr. Belsham, and Mr. Jay, that the former, equally with the latter, must, we presume, have entertained some doubts, whether to applaud or to censure the measure. In the improvement of the subject the preacher expresses himself in language so remarkable, as to afford additional evidence of that embarrassed state of mind which we noticed at the commencement of the discourse; and he seems full of doubts and fears, lest the state of the nation should demand a day of fasting instead of a day of feasting. This is pretty evident from the following extract. "And fist: While you shew your loyalty beware of impiety. Many it is to be feared will sadly evince their regard to the king, by sinning against God; and thus augment our national transgression, which is heavy enough already to sink us beyond the hope of a political re surrection!--You glory in the moral exa lesson to the land he sways-why ample of your sovereign, whose life's then resemble him, and do not disgrace the event you commemorate, by indulging in every kind of dissipation and intemperance. a Secondly. Rejoice with trembling. You ought to rejoice in the virtuous character, the domestic excellencies, and the mild dominion of our long spared monarch; but it is not to be denied, that through the awful destinations of Providence, his reign has been peculiarly trying and calamitous. You ought to rejoice in our exemptions and privileges; they are many and they are great, especially when compared with our desert, or the condition of neighbouring nations: but it is not, for any purpose to be concealed, that we live in cloudy and a dark day; that the complexion of our public affairs is gloomy rather than soothing; and that an impression of humiliation, rather than of exultation should be attempted; or at least that the one should qualify the other. Without this, we may be reminded of the words of Isaiah, on the threatened invasion of Jewry by the Persians: And in that day did the Lord God of hosts call to weeping and to mourning, and to baldness, and to girding with sackcloth and behold, joy and gladness, slaying oxen and killing sheep, eating flesh, and drinking wine: let us eat and drink; for to morrow we shall die. And it was revealed in mine ears by the Lord of hosts, surely this iniquity shall not be purged from you, till ye die, saith the Lord God of hosts." : i The preacher here ascribes the " pcculiarly trying and calamitous events of the present reign" to the " awful destinations of Providence:" this may be true in a certain, and restricted sense: the same Providence permits the ravages of the robber on the high way, and the infinitely more dreadful ravages of the robber of the liberties, the independence, the property, and the lives of empires. If Mr. Jay had ventured to proclaim the genuine sentiments of his heart, we have little doubt he would have ascribed the "trying and calamitous events," at which he hints, principally to the folly, the injustice, the perverseness, and ters; to that corrupt system which the verality of his Majesty's minis every administration during the present reign, have, in different degrees, so encouraged and supported, that "no honest man," (to use the memorable language of the statesman whose long administration so awfully.verified the truth of his remark.) "No honest man, under such a system can long remain a minister!" Towards the close of the discourse the preacher informs us—“ he had the pleasure of announcing" to his audience," that a comfortable dinner would be provided for all the children of the Sunday school, the poor of the church, and the poor of the congregation." This annunciation there is no doubt, produced the same loyal Jubilee feelings, as have been produced by similar annunciations to the same descriptions of persons in numerous other places; and that the audience were thus well prepared to join in the closing exclama tion of the preacher, which is at length become equally fashionable in the tavern, the theatre, and the pulpit-God save the King! The Jubilee a source of Religious Improvement. A Sermon preached at Worship-Street, Oct. 25. 1809, &c. By John Evans. A. M. In the advertisement of this sermon in the public prints, the text was not mentioned, but the wordsHe must reign till he hath put all enc mics under las feet, (1. Cor. xv. 25) appearing as a motto, naturally raised in the mind of the reader a singular association of ideas. What a contrast to the state of affairs du ring the present reign, when for the greater part, his Majesty has been engaged in wars, at the close of which ministers have forfeited the royal word they had so rashly pledged, and were absolutely compelled to give up every object, the attainment of which they had repeatedly de |