cantile cupidity would have engrossed every thing and the government of an enlightened nation, that has carried the arts of civilization to the highest pitch of perfection, would have given the first example of renewing the practices of the barbarous ages. That government is well aware of the injustice of its maritime code. But what does it heed injustice? It's only inquiry is what is expedient? When France shall have acquired a naval force proportionate to the extent of her coasts and her population, the Emperor will gradually reduce these principles to practice, and exert himself to procure their general adoption. The right, or rather the assumption, of blockading rivers and coasts, by proclamation, is equally insolent and absurd. No right can possibly spring out of the inere will and caprice of one of the interested parties, but must originate in the actual nature of the things to which it belongs. No place is properly in a state of blockade, but when it is invested by land and by water. It is put under blockade, to cut off all means of assistance by which the surrender may be retarded; and in this case only accrues the right of preventing neutral ships from entering it; because the place so attacked is in danger of being taken, and the dominion of it is undecided, and still in dispute, between the commander of the town and those who blockade or invest it; and from this arises the right of prohibiting neutrals from entering the place. The sovereignty and independence of the flag, like the sovereignty and independence of a territory, is the property of all neutrals. A state may surrender itself to another, divest itself of its independence, and undergo a change of sovereigns; but the rights of sovereignty are indivisible and unalienable; the smallest particle of them cannot be ceded. England proclaimed France in a stateof blockade. The Emperor, by his decree of Berlin, declared the British islands to be in a state of blockade. The former measure excludes neutral vessels from France; the latter prohibits them from going to England. England by her cabinet orders of the 11th. Nov. 1807, laid a tax upon neutral vessels, and compelled them to enter her harbours, before they can proceed to their place of destination. By the decree of the 17th. of December of the same year, the Emperor declared all such vessels denationalized, whose flag is violated, insulted, and trampled upon. To protect herself against the spoliations, wherewith such a state of things menaced ber commerce, America laid on an embargo in her harbours; and though France, which had only exercised the right of retaliation, was aware that her own interests and those of her colonies must suffer from such a measure; yet the Emperor applauded the magnanimous resolution of renouncing all commerce rather than acknowledge the sove reignty and tyranny of the seas. The embargo has been taken off, and a system of exclusion has been substitu ted for it. The powers of the continent, in alliance against England, make common cause, they have the same object in this war; they must reap the same advantages; they must also run the same risks. The ports of Holland, the Elbe, the Weser, Italy, and Spain, will enjoy no advantage of which France would be deprived. They will, all of them, be open or shut at the same time, with regard to any commercial intercourse with them. Thus, Sir, in point of principle, France recognizes the freedom of neutral commerce, and the independence of the maritime powers, which she respected up to the moment when the maritime tyranny of England, that respects nothing, and the arbitrary proceedings of its government, compelled her to adopt measures of retaliation, to which she resorted with regret. Let England revoke her blockade of France, and France will recal har declaration of blockade against England. Let England revoke her cabinet orders of the 11th. November, 1807, and the Milan decree will expire of itself. The American commerce will then recover its complete freedom, and be assured of finding in the labours of France, favour and protection. But it belongs to the United States to attain this happy object by their firmness. Can a nation, resolved to remain free, hesitate between certain momentary interests, and the great cause of maintaining her indepen dence, her honour, her sovereignty, and her dignity? people, if, at the same time, when VOL VI. of the kingdom is well convinced that the riches of individuals are the riches of the state, and that no nation can be rich without encouraging its agriculture, commerce, and industry, and that industry in gencral does not increase but remove the obstacles which may obstruct both the fiscal and civil laws. From these considerations the supreme junta cannot omit occupying itself with this great work, beginning with the most urgent reform, which is that of the contribution, and providing in the place of those abolished, others, upon such things as can more properly be required to contribute, distributing them equally among the contributors, exacting them in the time and manner least offensive, and collecting them with the least expence possible. Thus the contributions, which are always an evil, shall fall only on those who can contribute, shall be applied to their true objects and not to the maintenance of an innumerable multitude of tax-gatherers, who are unproductive consumers, and so many hands lost to industry. In consequence, therefore, of these principles, the King our Lord, Don Ferdinand VII. and in his royal name, the supreme junta of the government of the kingdom decrees as follows: Art. 1. The contributions, known by the name of Alcabalas, Cientos, and Millones, shall be abolished, as those which are appointed to supply their place shall be appropriated and established. Art. 2. The department of finance is charged to propose to his Majesty the contributions which shall supply the place of those abolished. Art. 3. The present decree shall be printed, published, and circulated in the usual form. From the royal palace of Seville, August 7, 1809. Marquis of ASTORGA, President. PP AUSTRIA. PROCLAMATION. My beloved subjects, and even my enemies know that I did not engage in the present war from motives of ambition, nor a desire of conquest. Selfpreservation, and independence, a peace consistent with the honour of my crown, and with the safety and tranquillity of my people, constituted the exalted and sole aim of my exertions. The chance of war disappointed my expectations, the enemy penetrated into the interior of my dominions, and over-run them with all the horrors of war; but he learn ed at the same time to appreciate the public spirit of my people, and the valour of my armies. This experience, which he dearly bought, and my constant solicitude to promote the prosperity of my dominions, led to negociations for peace. My ministers, impowered for that purpose, have met those of the French Emperor. My wish is an honourable peace: a peace, the stipulations of which offer a prospect and the possibility of duration. The valour of my armies, their unshaken courage, their ardent love of their country, their desire strongly pronounced, not to lay down their arms till an honourable peace shall have been obtained, could never allow me to agree to conditions which threatened to shake the very foundation of the monarchy, and disgrace us. The high spirit which animates our troops affords us the best security, that should the enemy yet mistake our sentiments and disposition, we shall certainly obtain the reward of perseverance. FRANCIS. Comorn, Aug. 16. 1809. RUSSIA AND SWEDEN. Letter of the Emperor Alexander to the Civil Governor of Livonia and acting Counsellor of State, Repiel. On the 5th of this month, a treaty of eternal peace between Russia and Sweden was concluded, signed at Fredericksham, by our minister plenipotentiary, Count Romanzow, and Baron Stedink on the part of Sweden. All the propositions by us made, with regard to the said peace, have been accepted, and the incorporation of the grand duchy of Finland with the Russian empire has been confirmed. The town of Torneo and the river of the same name form the frontiers of the two states. Thus has a war been ended, the various events of which have covered the Russian armies with immortal glory, and the termination whereof has added to the Russian empire a country inhabited by an industrious people, celebrated on account of its progress in agriculture, its markets important fortifications, and the for tress of Sweaburgh, which has been enlarged, and has secured for ever on that side the frontiers of our na tive land. While we are offering up our thanks to that Divine Being which has vouchsafed to favour Russia, and crowned her arms with success, we hasten to acquaint you with this fortunate event, feeling perfectly sa tisfied that all our faithful subjects will join us in offering up thanks to the Most High, for the happy con clusion of a much wished for peace, For the rest, after the ratifications shall have been exchanged, the treaty of peace will be publicly made known by a distinct manifesto. I remain your affectionate, &c. ALEXANDER. St. Petersburgh, Sept. 7. NAPLE S. DECREE FOR SUPPRESSION OF RELI GIOUS ORDERS IN NAPLES. Joachim Napoleon King of the Two Sicilies. Considering that the motives which induced our illustrious predecessor to suppress certain religious orders by the law of the 13th of October, 1807, still retain their force with re spect to the existing religious insti tutions Considering that the suppression of these orders is imperiously called for from present circumstances, and that it ought to operate not only without prejudice to the individuals who compose them, but even to ameliorate their condition, by allowing them as great a pension as the finances of the state will permit, and proportioned to the property wherewith the effect of this suppression will augment the mass of the national domains Upon the report of our ministers of worship, of justice, and of finances, we have, therefore, decreed, and do decree, as follows :— Throughout our whole kingdom the following religious orders are suppressed The Dominicans and all the detached monks of their order, the Minorites, the third order of St. Francis, the Minimists, the two Carmilitan orders, the Brethren of St. Peter of Pisa, the Servites, the Brethren of St. John of God, the Trinitarians of Mercy (Spanish and Italian), the Augustins, the Sylvestrians, the Basilians, the Meatins, the Regular Minorities, the Cross Bearers, the clerks of the Mother of God, the Bamalites, the Samaschians, the priests of St. Roche! REVIEW OF BOOKS. A Concise View of the Constitution of England. By George Custance. 12mo. pp 491. This work is divided into thirtyfour chapters: the author states it to be a compilation from various writers on our civil and ecclesiastical government: had it been merely a compilation, the only question would have related to the manner in which the performance is executed; but as the compiler has freely interspersed his own opinions, and appears anxious that the rising generation, "the higher classes in "schools," should adopt those opinions, we deem it our duty, in the present awful circumstances of the British nation, to examine them with that attention the subject demands. At the very outset, in the preface, we are sorry to observe that the author so discovers his prejudices, as to excite just suspicion of that partiality by which his work is characterised. "At a time,” he remarks, "when our government is threatened with destruction by a cruel and relentless foe, how desirable is it that a knowledge of that unrivalled constitution under which her 66 it is our happiness to live should be generally diffused through all ranks of society." Before Mr. Custance had set about the unnecessary work of inflaming the passions of his countrymen against France, by terming a cruel and vindictive foe,' he should have inquired whether the terms "cruel and vindictive” are not, as they respect the late and the present war, as applicable, at least, to Britain as to France?. Did not Britain, we may ask, at the commencement of the last war, eagerly invade France, and devastate her territories with fire and sword? Did not she enter into the present war, professedly to break that treaty which a few months before she had solemnly ratified? At the very time Mr. C. *Mr. C. in the Chapter Of Laws in General, observes, that" truce-breakers" are classed in holy writ "with traitors, &c." He adds-"A wilful and unjust violation, therefore, of public treaties, will probably bring down upon the offending nation the righteous judgment of the Almighty."-Let Britain hear this and tremble! When Mr. C. again reviles France as << our vindictive and cruel foe," he is requested to point out any of her acts practice, we have our doubts whe ther the government of America does not impart an equal portion of civil freedom; and we are sure that it imparts a much greater portion of religious freedom to its inhabitants, than the government of Britain, and at a tenth part of the expence. The is charging France with being a "cruel and vindictive foe," one of our principal generals, Lord Wellington, is proclaiming her humanity and tenderness towards British prisoners; and the French general, far from claiming any peculiar degree of merit on the occasion, acknowledges his conduct to be "only" religious tyranny" of Test and pe a debt of justice which one brave nation owes to another." The professed design of the author in this work is stated as follows:"The design of the following work is simply to instruct the rising generation in the fundamental principles of that admirable constitution which equalises the rights of all, from the king to the peasant; which is venerable for its antiquity, because it was founded upon freedom, in the earliest ages; which many of our forefathers defended by their swords; and which every Briton should be ready to seal with his blood!" It will be seen as we proceed how far the author has executed that design; whether the genuine British constitution be the subject of his admiration, or whether he be not either indifferent, or hostile to some of its "fundamental principles," and rather desirous that "every Briton should be ready to seal with his blood," those innovations, and corruptions which threaten its destruction! Our author in his extravagant and indiscriminate panegyrick on the constitution of his country, observes that--" England is the favoured soil which early received the seeds, gradually nourished the plant, and has at length matured the ONLY tree of liberty that has been found to shelter beneath its branches, personal property, and life, from the scorch ing beams of every kind of tyranny." If, however, the excellency of a constitution is to be judged of, not merely by the theory but by the towards this country, which for their "vindictive cruelty" can equal the for gery of assignats, and the prohibition of the exportation of bark! nal laws attaching to the most loyal subjects, which disgraces Britain, is in America wholly unknown. Why will writers compel us to make comparisons which so forcibly tend to weaken their own favourite positions? high-flown panegyricks, has the can Our author, however, amidst his dour to acknowledge, that "it would be the height of folly to deny that very serious departures from the first principles of the British constitution have crept in, although it possesses this peculiarity, that it can legally and peaceably renew itself." We allow that this is an excellence, although not a peculiar excellence of our constitution; but Mr. C. affords us little reason to hope that our legislators, or that the people will avail themselves of their constitutional privilege in this respect, as he in the very paragraph quoted, declares that he docs not believe, "whilst human nature continues what it is, that it is in the power of any nation to secure a larger measure of enjoy under their existing constitu true practical liberty than Britons tion." Now, as we have no reason to suppose that the Almighty will ever create human nature" different from what it is at present, we have, if the position of our author be just, little expectation that a legal and peaceable renovation of our constitution will ever take place. "Human nature" as it appears in Mr. Custance, seems inveterate against almost every species of reformation in either church or state, and he broadly insinuates that those who attempt either are 66 seditious persons," or "pretended patriots" but |