The motion was negatived without a divison.

Mr. Curwen moved the order of the day for the house resolving itself into a committee of the whole house upon the bill to prevent the purchase of seats in parliament.

Lord Folkestone, considering the advanced period of the night, conceived it the most proper course to defer the further consideration of such an important measure until a future day.

[There was a loud cry of proceed! proceed! when the question for proceeding to the order of the day, and of course to the consideration of this bill was carried.]

Mr. Colborne declared his opposition to the Speaker's leaving the chair, hostile as he was to the principle of the bill. Sir W. W. Wynne defended the propriety of the measure. He felt that its effect would tend to purify that house; for, although he admitted that bribery brought among them some good men, yet he was still convinced that it was the means by which many bad ones obtain cd their seats.

Mr. G. Johnstone expressed his disinclination to support measures, which, without any adequate cause, went to produce such vital and fundamental changes in the constitution of that house. He would ask, where, in the practice of parliament, as it was illustrated in its history, a more pure body than the pre-sent was to be found?-Had the country not seen Lord Melville, when in possession of influence and power, hurled, by the discussion of the commons, from power and eminence in one night? Was that a proof of the want of honesty in that house? The hon. member concluded with observing, that if the assembly which he had then the honour to address did not furnish men, upon whose judgment and honesty the public could rely for the management of their affairs, he could not conceive where such men were to be found.

Mr. Lemon thought from the lateness of the hour, and the number of gentlemen who were expected to deliver their sentiments upon this subject, that it would be expedient to adjourn the debate to a future day. The hon. member therefore moved an adjournment until Thursday next.

Lord Milton seconded the motion, which was carried unanimously.

The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the house adjourned. Saturday, May 20.

At half-past two o'clock, the deputy usher of the black rod being in attendance, the Speaker took the chair, and was immediately summoned to attend in the house of lords, to hear his Majesty's commission read. On his return, the Speaker acquainted the house that he had been in the house of peers, and had heard the royal assent given by commission to a number of public and private bills, sixty-nine in all.

On the question for the second reading of the lottery bill,

Mr. Perceval said, that the bill, in its present state,, was like most lottery bills which had preceded it. In the committee he should introduce clauses which, he hoped, and confidently expected, would remove most of the evils now complained of. The bill was read a second time, and committed for Wednesday.

Mr. Huskisson brought in a bill for charging the eleven millions granted for the service of the year on the duties granted during the war. Read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday.

Adjourned till Wednesday.

Wednesday, May 24.

On the question of receiving the report of the Highgate archway bill, the house divided:

is

For receiving it, 39 | Against it, 40. Colonel Shipley rose. He thought it necessary to state, that in his opinion, when a standing regulation of the army broken through, to gratify the ambition of any one, it is the duty of that house to inquire into it, but with caution. When the Duke of York became commander in chief, he made a regulation, that no officer should arrive at the rank of a field-officer, till he had served six years. But Lord Burghersh had not been that time in the army when he was ap pointed a major, having been gazetted an ensign in December, 1803, and a major in May, 1809, over many officers older than himself; and who had seen more service, particularly over a meritorious officer (Capt. Grant,) the oldest captain in the regiment to which his lordship belonged, before he was made a major. Had he been the son of an Abercrombie or a Moore, it would have been less culpable; but the country have viewed with indignation the son of a

cabinet minister placed, in the most flagrant manner, over the heads of old and experienced officers, without purchase, and without having done any thing that could justly intitle him to such promotion. He then moved, that there be laid before the house copies of regulations relative to the length of service in the army before officers can arrive at the rank of field officer; as also accounts of the different commissions held by Lord Burghersh, with their dates, distinguishing those purchased.

Lord Castlereagh said, that had the hon. gentleman who spoke last, known the case sufficiently, he would not perhaps have thought it necessary to have moved for these papers; as whatever regulations his Majesty may be pleased to make in his army, no man would surely be disposed to dispute his right to do so. Ifit was contrary to the hon. mover's idea of justice, to promote Lord B. before it was due, it was not contrary to those of his Majesty.(Loud cries of Order! Chair! Chair!) The Speaker rose to order, when the noble lord bowed to the chair. He then went on to state, that on account of Lord B's individual merit, the house would not find it necessary to order the papers moved for to be produced.

Lord Temple said, that from the defence set up by the noble lord who spoke last, it appeared that Lord C. had not even made himself master of the subject. He supported the motion.

Colonel Hutchinson said, he would be the last man to object to valour being rewarded, he would even wish to see British Generals invested with power to reward it even in the field of battle. He did not think that Lord B. deserved such promotion over the heads of so many old and meritorious officers. He therefore thought it his duty to support the motion. Lord Newark also shortly supported the motion.

Lord H. Petty objected to that assertion of Lord Castlereagh, that he thought it his duty to recommend young men of rank and affluence to promotion; for he (Lord P.) thought it strange that such men should be encouraged because born to rank and affluence, without any particular merit of their own.

Mr. C. Burrell said, he never knew a more flagrant instance of unjust promotion; and objected to Lord Castlereagh's assertion respecting the unlimited prerogative of the crown in cases of mili

tary promotions.

Mr. Perceval defended Lord Castlereagh.

The house then divided, For the motion-72-Against it-67. Majority against ministers 5.

Lord H. Petty put a question to ministers, on the subject of the late amicable arrangements with the United States of America.

Mr. Canning said, that his Majesty certainly did not approve of the arrangements entered into by our minister in America; and it was his intention to submit a proposition to the house on the subject.

The House having resolved itself into a committee of ways and means for IRELAND,

Mr. Foster laid before the committee an estimate of the expences and supplies for Ireland for the present year, and concluded with moving, that the sum of 1,250,000l. be raised in annuities, by way of loan.

After a few observations from Sir J. Newport, Mr. Parnell, &c. the resolution was agreed to; as were also several others moved by Mr Foster, in pursuance of his

statements.

The house then resolved itself into a committee on the Irish distillery regulation bill.

Mr. Foster rose to propose a clause to double the fines on parishes in case of the offences respecting private stills being repeated; and other provisions to prevent fraudulent connivances on the part of parishes.

Sir J. Newport said, it would be impossible for the small distillers to exist, so long as the great distillers received the bounty.

After a long discussion, the bill went through the committee, and the house adjourned.

Thursday, May 25.

Sir T. Turton brought up a bill for the relief of insolvent debtors, which was read a first time. He said, the prisons in the country, and particularly in the metropolis, were this year crowded beyond measure. In one small room there was no less than 13 persons cooped up in this warm weather. To shew the malignity of creditors, he had to state, that many anonymous letters had been lately sent to him, threatening his life, if he persevered in this bill. One of the alterations would be to allow the benefit of it to debtors above 1500l. who had

cumstances he felt himself somewhat at a loss what to say; but in justice to the large body whom he represented, he thought it his duty to raise his voice, and reprobate doctrines the most abominable that had ever been avowed since England was England. Much had been said of the dignity of that house; but if they were not representatives of the people, where was its dignity? An hon. gentleman had compared the present house of commons, or rather this assembly, for it was not the commons of England in parliament assembled―

The Speaker called the hon. baronet

to order.

Lord A. Hamilton submitted, whether, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, the hon. baronet might not deny that this was properly the house of commons, since, by the openly avowed and defended corruptions, the house itself appeared to have disclaimed that title.

The Speaker said that it was his duty to call any member to order who affirmed that this was not the house of commons; and he would do so as long as the house supported him.

Sir Francis then observed, that he was perfectly aware of the impartiality of the Speaker's conduct on this as well as on other occasions; but he would recollect, that until the 12th of this month, the claim of the house to be called the house of commons was founded on its assumed purity. Another singular circumstance to which he could not help adverting, was, that old notions seemed to be so completely obliterated, that they were reproached for that which formerly would have been reckoned an honour, namely, that they were of no party. The gentlemen of the present day seemed to be astonished at them. "You don't want place or pension, you say: why what are you? What object can you possibly have in view? You must surely be traitors." They had been reproached for not desiring a change of ministers. But why should they desire any change? They did not see that the ministers conducted matters, at all worse than their predecessors, who taunted him for being of no party. He would not join any faction; but he would be glad to support any minister who acted properly. The only return he could make to that numerous body which had sent him to that house, so undeservedly perhaps on his part, but so honourably to themselves, was to refrain from tor

menting the ministers, and to stand up there only on great constitutional points, as a guardian of the rights and the privileges of the people. The gentlemen of the opposition were like some one in The Rehearsal-their old master turned them off, and no one else would receive them. They said that their delinquency consisted in having been in office. No --none had reproached them with that circumstance. Their delinquency consisted in not having performed what they promised to the nation. The hon. baronet referred those who asked where they should look for the constitution, to Magna Charta, to the act of settlement, and the bill of rights. It had been said of him, that he had held out the bill of rights as an existing law, He had only referred to that among other documents, as proofs of the principles of the constitution of "the inalienable and im prescriptible rights of the people," to use the language of the bill itself. That subsequent acts had violated those principles, was one of his grounds of complaint. As to the time for reform, there were some who thought there were two seasons improper for reform---a time of peace and a time of war. In peace, it was a pity to disturb the general tranquillity-in war, the nation had a great deal of other business on its hands. There were many also who denied that reform would have any effect in diminishing the burthens of the people. This was as much as to say, that there was no connection between representation and taxation. But unless the gentlemen expected some practical good of this kind from reform, why did they support it? For his part, he saw no use in it, except from the effect it would produce with respect to the controul of the expenditure. In the year 1784, Mr. Pitt was a friend to reform, as was Mr. Dundas. From the length to which these corrupt practices had proceeded, it was apparent that the great object of reform could only be attained by a firm but temperate action of the people out of doors upon the house. If some of the friends of reform had injured the cause, the friends of corruption had injured their cause. The priests had torn aside the veil of the temple, and exposed their idol. That idol, he hoped, would fall before the united voice of the nation, as Dagon, the idol of Palestine, had fallen before the ark, and put to shame his worshippers.

Lord Porchester defended Sir F. Burdett, and made some remarks on the suspicious conduct of leading men on different sides of the house.

Mr. Tierney said, if the design of the noble lord (Porchester) who had just sat down, was to prove himself an honest man, he might just as well have remained silent, for certain persons would never think him or any one else so, who did not acquiesce in all the chimeras of the hon. baronet. It was the design of him and his friends to excite such an opinion among the people; and he believed, in his soul, it was also their wish not to have many supporters in that house, lest their designs should fail, and the public begin to think too favourably of the house. It was their desire to raise a popular ferment, by talking of abuses which often had no existence, and by yaunting of remedies which they never meant to put in execution! Far was it from their thoughts to come manfully and constitutionally down to that house and state their complaints, if any such they really had. No, it suited them better to make harangues at taverns, to mount the tables at the Crown and Anchor, to tell the people to meet as people, and look for redress, not to their representatives, who were no longer fit to be called an house of commons. It was their plan to raise a cry by which the infatuated people might be hurried to their ruin, by hinting at corruptions which never had existence, and rousing expectations which never could be gratified. Now the hon, baronet, whom he did not mean to designate as the leader of the party (a distinction in his mind due to others who did not choose to appear so openly as himself), had favoured that corrupt house with his pure presence, he wished to put a few questions to him as to one of his reputed harangues at the Crown and Anchor, which pointed pretty plainly at his (Mr. Tierney's) character. Broad and indelicate were the freedoms which had been used with his name and political life in the course of the speech to which he alluded; and in one part of it the worthy baronet was actually represented as having the audacity to say, that on his (Mr. Tierney's) retiring from office, his pockets were filled with the public money.---Was this charge true? He now demanded of the worthy baronet, would he dare to repeat his assertion? If not, he would recommend it to him not again to vilify

the name and character of an absent man; or if he did not so vilify it, to take care that a correct report of his real sentiments should go forth to the public.. How did he know what effect such insinuation night have in the course of the summer? How could he hope not to be attacked by some seditious mob, roused against him by such unfounded calumnies? Such an assertion was directly false,, and he called on the worthy baronet either to deny or own it. He did not know how the worthy baronet could bring himself to make such an assertion; for his amiable manners in private life, and his conciliatory conduct, were proverbial. No man could be more mild than he was until he mounted the rostrum at the Crown and Anchor--then all was changed---all was abuse, and as far as related to him, calumuy. In this instance not only his design but his ignorance was exposed; and to prove it, he would offer the worthy baronet, if he wished to turn a penny honestly, some thousand pounds, provided he would take on him the profit and loss of his political speculations. But what were the worthy baronet's qualifications for this general censorship? What had he ever done? What feats had he performed? Why, indeed, he had harangued the mob, and mounted the tables most eloquently at the public taverns. He had never warded off any real danger, but had flutterred about during his public life, a political sea-gull, screaming and screeching, and sputtering about foul weather which never arrived. It was true the worthy baronet had never been troubled with office; the reasons for that might be various; perhaps the cause might have been his own disinclination; perhaps his immense fortune might have exempted him from its cares; or perhaps he had never been importuned upon the subject. Certainly he (Mr. Tierney) had been in office, for he had not such a fortune as could support him independently out of it, and he would perhaps, be compelled to live upon bread and onions, when the worthy baronet was faring sumptuously, As to his tavern harangues, they might go on for him as long as the worthy baronet chose; and he was welcome to attack whatever political changes or tergiversations he chose, in his conduct--let him spout away--if the people believed it, well and good; if not, why then the worthy baronet would enjoy the ap