considerable advances from that tenebrous and degraded state in which Mr. Pitt, by a sort of magic spell, had for some time the power of retaining it. Several circumstances might be alledged in proof of this, one in particular deserves notice.It was intended to make Mr. Wardle descend like Soame Jenyns's cat, but it would not do the people it was thought were veering about with every blast: Sir Vicary Gibbs tried to shift the wind like a Lapland witch, but the spell failed. I was, I do confess, alarmed-not for Mr. Wardle's private character, for that concerns nobody but himself; but for the character of the nation-it was gratifying however to find that on this occasion the public shewed they were not to be imposed upon; and also that they were not, as pretended by the aristocrats, fickle, ungrateful and unjust. Doubtless there is nothing more desirable in a free state than that the popular sentiment should be accurate; but when thousands are yearly expended to mislead the public mind, how difficult must it be for it to acquire this precision! Here then is a field open for the patriot and philanthropist to exert himself in order to counteract this baneful influence, and correct, by the investigation of truth, the delusions propagated by corruption; a pursuit which, at the same time that it must exalt and invigorate the mind by confirming in us a love of justice, must be amply rewarded by the satisfaction of an approving conscience, which, in public concerns, is the only remuneration that ought to be desired, as it is generally allowed that it ought to be, in acts of private cha rity: this inestimable reward results from the conscious performance of a good action, and is far beyond any gratification to be derived from popular applause; which however, when merited by great risks or exertions in behalf of the public, ought in policy to be conferred, as honour should be on a 'brave and deserving soldier. TIMOTHY TRUEMAN. ON THE MANUFACTURE OF SAIL CLOTH; AND THE CONTRACTS OF GOVERNMENT IN THAT ARTICLE. The manufacture of canvass is an object of the greatest importance to a commercial nation, and its quality ought to be the first, its price only of secondary consideration. Int the chace of an enemy's fleet, it is on the strengh and goodness of the sails, that British freemen have to rely for bringing them alongside; the fate of the battle is then soon decided. It may appear strange, but it is true, that this article of indispensable necessity to the British navy, and on which depends in so great a degree the safety of the fleet, and the empire, is now vastly inferior in quality, to what it was thirty or forty years ago. While in our dock yards, the greatest attention is bestowed on the quality and seasoning of the oak, none at all is thought necessary to the canvass, although of equal importance to the safety of the ship and the lives of the sailors. The very rules and regulations issued by the navy board for the manufacture of government canvass are defective; and it is impossible, according to these rules, to produce a good quality; however it does not seem to be the aim of the board to obtain the first fabric; they are content with a humble mediocrity that the owner of a fishing smack would despise. 'The inferiority of government canvass cannot be attributed to the manufacturers, for they make it accor ding to their instructions; but to the mistaken policy of the navy board, who limit the price, and of course the quality, who imagine that canvass of a certain rate is sufficient for the purpose, and have no wish that it should be a better quality, because then it would be too good for the use. Thus trifling with the great interests of the nation, as if his Majesty's ships, and the lives of his brave seamen, were of less importance than a revenue cutter, or a Bridport smack, neither of which would use such canvass as government receives, although it were offered to them for nothing. The professed reason for ordering this middle sort of canvass, is that it can be obtained at a middle price, and it is thought good enough for a man of war:-it is neither the highest nor lowest the country produces. It is however a common observation, and perhaps a true one, that the highest priced manufactured commodities, are generally the cheapest in the end. Being made of better materials, and more labour bestowed on their finishing, they compensate the purchaser, by longer service as well as their superior fitness for the purpose intended. Government canvass is made of a warp, or chain of flax yarn weighing about 20lbs. laid double; the woof or shute is of hemp yarn, drove on single, weighing about 24lbs. Both warp and woof yarn are once boiled in an alkaline ley, and suffer a waste of about 7 per cent, which is again recovered by the application of starch to the chain and the bolt, which when finished for a No. 1. weighs 44lbs. Bridport canvass which is the best in the kingdom, is made wholly of flax yarn boiled in alkaline salts, and bleached by grassing, by which operations it suffers a loss of about 25 per cent. To ascertain the difference of value to the consumer between these two kinds of canvass, it is only necessary to observe, that the great defect of ll capvass, is its aptitude to mildew, from its alternate exposure to warm and cold, dry and wet weather. Mildew is the first perceptible symptom of fermentation, to which all vegetable substances are liable, and its progress will be rapid or slow in proportion to the quantity of mucus they contain. The fermentation of all vegetable and animal substances, induces new compounds, and consequently separates their component parts: hence their gradual decay, and at last their final dissolution. On this principle we may deter mine the superiority of Bridport canvass. It is cleansed by alkaline salts and the process of bleaching, to a loss of 25 per cent. and we may reasonably conclude, that the mucus is altogether removed, or nearly so. It will not therefore be so apt to mildew as government canvass, which is only cleansed to a loss of 7 per cent. The difference of price between Bridport and government sail cloth is 6d. or Sd. per yard; and what does this paltry saving signify to the na tion, compared with the consequences that may result from the use of an article on which so much depends as the lives of those brave men, who have secured the independence of Britain, humbled the pride of her enemies, and raised her maritime glory to a pitch that defies all parallel. The loss of an officer, or even a cabin boy, who may inherit the soul of a Nelson, may be of more importance to Britain, than many millions sterling the impo licy of supplying the navy with canvass of an inferior quality, cannot therefore be too severely reprehended. : There can be no doubt but the contractors for manufacturing canvass for government, could make it as of good quality as the Bridport, if they were allowed an adequate price; for there is no mystery in the business of making sail cloth, one man can make it as well as ano ther if he bestow the same expence, and ་ To those who wish to pursue this subject, I beg leave to recommend a small pamphlet by the Earl of Dundonald, containing a clear and distinct statement of the comparative qualities of canvass. To his lordship's inventive genius, love of country and of science, this kingdom is greatly indebted. London, Aug. 17, C. ON THE NATURE AND NECESSITY it is the duty of every man to contribute what he thinks may be use ful to the public, I have ventured to offer my sentiments on the subject, and to give an outline at least of that reform which I believe to be essential to our national salvation. The first thing requisite to be a mended is the qualification of electors; and for this purpose, copyholders of inheritance should be added to freeholders, of ten pounds a-year in land, houses, or annuity out of such property. The riot and confusion attendant on popular elections, A Reform of parliament is the which gave birth to the statute of great desideratum of the nation; it Henry VI. limiting the right of is the one thing needful to preserve voting to persons possessed of forty us from ruin, both moral and poli- shillings a-year, ought to convince tical; it is the sine quâ non of our us of the ill consequences attending national salvation; for so far are we too numerous a body of electors; for sunk in the gulph of debt and ex- even that limitation was not sufficient pence, that even the utmost exertion to remove the evil, and a second staof our industry, and the utmost exten- tute was enacted, further limiting sion of our trade, can save us but for the elective franchise for counties, to a very few years longer from bank- those possessed of freehold property ruptcy the interest of our increas- to the amount of forty shillings per ing debts cannot be any longer pro- . annum :-now as the value of money vided by taxation; and from the is so much decreased as to make moment that ministers declare them- that sum equal to near thirty pounds selves unable to pay the dividends at present, it is but fair to take ten at the Bank to their full amount, pounds a-year as a medium, because from that moment they declare that the number of persons possessing prothe government is a bankrupt; though perty to that amount, is much smalthe nation being the creditors may ler than the number of forty shilling perhaps be content with a dimunu- freeholders was in the time of Henry tion of their interest, rather than VI. and as his statute requires that hazard the breaking up of the house, voters should be resident in the county -How this may be no one can tell, for which they vote, we ought to yet it is a risk too great not to be adhere to that provision, adding a carefully avoided, if it be within the strong clause against bribery; and bounds of possibility: an honest also enact, that no candidate shall parliament uncorrupted by the go be allowed to pay the expences of vernment, and unconnected with it, any voters coming to the place of except by a union of sentiment for election, for they who cannot, or the public good, is in my mind the will not go the length of a county tỏ only mode left of avoiding the great- vote for a representative, have no est of national calamities: the re- claim to be represented. All towns medy may, perhaps, be perilous, but except London, containing above the evil requires it, and cannot other five thousand residents should have wise be removed. two members, each county two, and Yorkshire two for each riding, provided the number does not in the Various are the schemes of reform which have been suggested, and as whole exceed five hundred; in that case, the towns of the largest counties to elect members alternately.The qualification for a borough member should be two hundred a-year, for a county eight, in land, houses or money. All placemen and pensioners should be excluded from parliament, except the eleven cabinet ministers; for although it has been contended that no person holding an office under the crown should be a member of the house of Commons, yet as this has never been the practice, and many inconveniences would attend its strict execution, I am of opinion that we ought to comply with necessity in opposition to theory.That the ministers of the crown should controul the house of Commons, is an evil of which we have had sufficient experience; but it does not thence follow that we should adopt the opposite extreme, and exclude them altogether. When the law was passed to keep out all placemen and pensioners, a cabinet council was unknown to the constitution, therefore it was difficult to draw the line between all and none; but now when it is known that all the public measures of government originate from this body, it would be attended with much loss and detriment to the nation, that they should not be allowed to prepare, and dedefend their measures before the great council of parliament: indeed I hardly see how things could go on without it; for as to allowing them to come there without coming as members, it would be so humiliating and unpleasant, that no man of respectability would accept of a situation which compelled him to wait like a servant, and only to come in when he is called for. In our detestation of the present system, let us not go so far as to introduce any thing like a republican regime, for our minds have been so long accustomed to the honours and distinctions of monarchy, that we must not attempt to reduce all men to the same level, nor to treat the higher ranks as the menial servants of the people: by the merits or the fortune of their ancestors they have acquired an elevated station in society, and if they do not tyrannize over us, we must not tyrannize over them: they deserve that respect and deference which are requisite to maintain a due subordination; not that which requires a surrender of the public interest. The duration of parliaments is the next thing which requires to be mentioned; and as that is already settled by the Bill of Rights, we ought not to consider it repealed by the septennial bill, which was no other than a violent suspension of the constitution obtained by artifice and corruption; and as such, to all intents and purposes null, void, and of none effect.-The Bill of Rights declares that parliaments shall be frequent; and the 6th of William III. enacts that they shall be triennial. Can there then be any ligitimate power to make them longer? — Whosoever will venture to assert this, must maintain that the parliament possesses a right to dissolve the con stitution. A compensation has been talked of for the holders of boroughs: we might as well talk of making a compensation to a man who loses an estate by the determination of a court, after he has been proved to have long unjustly withheld it from the true owner. Not being aware that much more is requisite to complete our represen tation, as far as any human institution can be complete in practice, and not in theory, I should be happy to hear if any thing further can be suggested. The effects of the present state of representation, remain to be considered; and these will be the subject of a future epistle.—I re: main, &c. W. BURDON. Hartford near Morpeth, August 19. EXTRACT FROM LORD BUCHAN'S LIFE OF FLETCHER. SIR, The following extract I copied from a book in a friend's library at Cambridge about a month ago: the passage is very singular; and the authority of the present Earl of Buchan is certainly respectable. The extract is taken from his life of FLETCHER, in a note at the foot of page 57. "There never was such a thing as a Peer of Scotland. There were Earls indeed, but they did not sit in parliament in right of their Earldoms but in right of their lands; and there they were on a par with other proprietors of fiefs. James the first of the Scots indeed attempted to introduce the English modes; and was murdered like Cæsar by his kinsman; and James the 6th by the statute 1587 introduced the practice of the election of representatives of the freeholders; but the nobility as they were called, not the peerage of Scotland, were no more than the barons or freeholders, barons of baron-rent, who by usage retained their privilege of sitting in parliament in right of their lands, which if they sold, they lost their right of sitting along with their possessions. There was but one house of parliament; and in this, unfortunately for Scotland the priests had a privilege to sit in right of their lands. But the Scots had no notion of such a monstrous organ of power for their King, as a separate house for his servants and chaplains to stop the progress of laws in favour of the rights of the people, before they should come to receive the royal assent. As to the idea of a perfect constitution being to consist of three parts, this was a Trinity in which the Scots did not believe; and they satisfied themselves with holding the doctrine of the unity, the Majesty, and the uncontroulable power of the legislative authority." If you think the above worthy of notice, and can spare a column in the Political Review, (I understand that useful work is widely circulated and well received in Scotland,) perhaps your Scotch readers may amplify the subject, some of whom I know are very capable--or if his lordship be incorrect (which I am not inclined to believe) they will have an opportunity of setting him right. Fleet Street, Sept. 6. STATE PAPER S. ITALY. PROTEST AGAINST BONAPARTE. The dark designs, conceived by the enemies of the apostolic see, have at length been accomplished. After the violent and unjust spoliation of the fairest and most considerable portion of our dominions, we behold ourselves, under unworthy pretexts, and with so much the greater injustice, entirely stripped of our temporal sovereignty, to which our spiritual independence is intimately united. In the midst of this. T. H. cruel persecution we are comforted by the reflection, that we encounter such a heavy misfortune, not for any offence given to the Emperor or to France, which has always been' the object of our affectionate paternal solicitude, nor from any intrigue of worldly policy, but from an unwillingness to betray our duties. To please men and to displease God is not allowed to any one pro fessing the catholic religion, and much less can it be permitted to its head and promulgator. |