purposes which you are determined not to relinquith:-The question is not, of what metal your inftruments are made, but, whether they are adapted to the work you have in hand. The honours of the city, in these times, are improperly, because exclufively, called a reward. You mean not merely to pay, but to employ. Are Mr. Crosby and Mr. Sawbridge likely to execute the extraordinary as well as the ordinary duties of Lord Mayor?-Will they grant you common halls when it fhall be neceffary?-Will they go up with remonftrances to the King?Have they firmnefs enough to meet the fury of a venal House of Commons?-Have they fortitude enough not to fhrink at imprisonment?-Have they fpirit enough to hazard their lives and fortunes in a conteft, if it fhould be neceffary, with a proftituted Legislature?-If thefe queftions can fairly be answered in the affirmative, your choice is made. Forgive this paffionate language. I am unable to correct it. The fubject comes home to us all.-It is the language of my heart. JUNIUS.

LETTER LIX.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLICK ADVER

SIR,

TISER.

Oct. 5. 1771.

No O man laments more fincerely than I do, the unhappy differences which have arisen among the friends of the people, and divided them from each other. The caufe undoubtedly fuffers as well by the diminution of that ftrength which union carries along with it, as by the feparate lofs of perfonal reputation which every man fuftains when his character and conduct are frequently held forth in odious or contemptible colours. Thefe differences are only advantageous to the common enemy of the country.-The hearty friends

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of the cause are provoked and difgufted.-The lukewarm advocate avails himself of any pretence to relapfe into that indolent indifference about every thing that ought to intereft an Englishman, fo unjustly dignified with the title of moderation.

The falfe, infidious partifan, who creates or foments the diforder, fees the fruit of his difhoneft industry ripen beyond his hopes, and rejoices in the promise of a banquet, only delicious to fuch an appetite as his own. It is time for thofe who really mean the Cause and the People, who have no view to private advantage, and who have virtue enough to prefer the general good of the community to the gratification of perfonal animofities-it is time for fuch men to interpofe. -Let us try whether these fatal diffenfions may not yet be reconciled; or, if that be impracticable, let us guard at least against the worst effects of divifion, and endeavour to perfuade thefe furious partifans, if they will not confent to draw together, to be feparately ufeful to that cause which they all pretend to be attached to.-Honour and honesty must not be renounced, although a thoufand modes of right and wrong were to occupy the degrees of morality between Zeno and Epicurus. The fundamental principles of Christianity may ftill be preserved, though every zealous fectary adheres to his own exclufive doctrine, and pious ecclefiafticks make it part of their religion to perfecute one another.- -The civil conftitution too, that legal liberty, that general creed which every Englishman profeffes, may still be supported, though Wilkes and Horne, and Townshend and Sawbridge, fhould obftinately refuse to communicate e; and even if the fathers of the church, if Savile, Richmond, Camden, Rockingham, and Chatham, fhould difagree in the ceremonies of their political worship, and even in the interpretation of twenty texts in Magna Charta.-I speak to the people,

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people, as one of the people.-Let us employ thefe men in whatever departments their various abili ties are best suited to, and as much to the advantage of the common caufe as their different inclinations will permit. They cannot ferve us, without effentially ferving themselves.

If Mr. Nafb be elected, he will hardly venture, after fo recent a mark of the perfonal esteem of his fellow-citizens, to declare himself immediately a courtier. The spirit and activity of the fheriffs, will, I hope, be fufficient to counteract any finifter intentions of the Lord Mayor. In collifion with their virtue, perhaps he may take fire.

It is not neceffary to exact from Mr. Wilkes the virtues of a Stoick. They were inconfiftent with themselves, who, almoft at the fame moment, represented him as the bafeft of mankind, yet feemed to expect from him fuch inftances of fortitude and felf-denial as would do honour to an apostle. It is not however flattery to fay, that he is obftinate, intrepid, and fertile in expedients.That he has no poffible refource, but in the publick favour, is, in my judgment, a confiderable recommendation of him. I wish that every man who pretended to popularity were in the fame predicament. I wish that a retreat to St. James's were not fo eafy and open as patriots have found it. To Mr. Wilkes there is no access. However

he may be misled by paffion or imprudence, I think he cannot be guilty of a deliberate treachery to the publick. The favour of his country constitutes the fhield which defends him against a thousand daggers. Desertion would difarm him.

I can more readily admire the liberal spirit and integrity, than the found judgment, of any man who prefers a republican form of government, in this or any other empire of equal extent, to a monarchy fo qualified and limited as ours. I am convinced, that neither is it in theory the wifeft

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fyftem of government, nor practicable in this country. Yet, though I hope the English conftitution will for ever preferve its original mo→ narchical form, I would have the manners of the people purely and ftrictly republican.-I do not mean the licentious fpirit of anarchy and riot.I mean a general attachment to the common-weal, diftinct from any partial attachment to perfons or families; an implicit fubmiffion to the laws only, and an affection to the magiftrate, proportioned to the integrity and wisdom with which he diftributes juftice to his people, and administers their affairs. The prefent habit of our political body appears to me the very reverse of what it ought to be. The form of the conftitution leans rather more than enough to the popular branch; while, in effect, the manners of the people (of those að leaft who are likely to take a lead in the country) incline too generally to a dependence upon the crown. The real friends of arbitrary power combine the facts, and are not inconfiftent with their principles when they ftrenuously fupport the unwarrantable privileges affumed by the House of Commons. In these circumstances, it were much to be defired, that we had many fuch men as Mr. Sawbridge to reprefent us in parliament.-I speak from common report and opinion only, when I impute to him a fpeculative predilection in favour of a republick.-In the perfonal conduct and manners of the man, I cannot be mistaken. He has fhown himself poffeffed of that republican firmness which the times require; and by which an English gentleman may be as ufefully and as honourably diftinguished, as any citizen of ancient Rome, of Athens, or Lacedæmon.

Mr. Townshend complains, that the publick gratitude has not been answerable to his deferts.-It is not difficult to trace the artifices which have fuggested to him a language fo unworthy of his understanding.

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understanding. A great man commands the affections of the people. A prudent man does not complain when he has loft them. Yet they are far from being loft to Mr. Townshend. He has treated our opinion a little too cavalierly. A young man is apt to rely too confidently upon himself, to be as attentive to his mistress as a polite and paffionate lover ought to be. Perhaps he found her at first too eafy a conqueft.-Yet, I fancy, the will be ready to receive him whenever he thinks proper to renew his addreffes. With all his youth, his fpirit, and his appearance, it would be indecent in the lady to folicit his return.

I have too much refpect for the abilities of Mr. Horne, to flatter myself that these gentlemen will ever be cordially reunited. It is not, however, unreasonable to expect, that each of them fhould act his feparate part with honour and integrity to the publick. As for the differences of opinion upon fpeculative queftions, if we wait until they are re conciled, the action of human affairs must be fufpended for ever. But neither are we to look for perfection in any one man, nor for agreement among many. When Lord Chatham affirms, that the authority of the British legiflature is not fu preme over the colonies in the fame sense in which it is fupreme over Great Britain;--when Lord Camden fuppofes a neceffity, (which the King is to judge of), and, founded upon that neceffity, at tributes to the crown a legal power (not given by the act itself) to fufpend the operation of an act of the legislature-I liften to them both with diffidence and refpect, but without the smallest degree of conviction or affent. Yet, I doubt not, they delivered their real fentiments; nor ought they to be haftily condemned.-I too have a claim to the candid interpretation of my country, when I acknowledge an involuntary, compulfive affent to one very unpopular opinion. I lament

the