[22 Sidney, major Wildman, Mr. Hampden the duke, coming from Newmarket, which they younger, and Mr. Charlton, who he did suppose expected would have been that Saturday menwould make something of it, and not do as the tioned in his letter, had not the fire happened, others had done, make a year's talk to ensnare which caused them to come sooner; nay, said many thousands of people to no purpose; for he, had we known they would have stayed so these had already sent messengers into Scot- long as they did, their business should have land and Ireland, to know their minds, naming been done: I then asked him what he meant by one Aaron Smith, sent into Scotland, and at the desiring Mr. Wade to get his clients together return of the messengers, would come to a resoby that day, and what he could propose they lution as to time and method, but he was confi- should have done, to which he could say little, dent they could not be ready before Midsummer, only that they might be ready. I then told by reason they had done so little in order to it. him, that I thought it a very rash thing, and Mr. Wade was then designed into the west, upon that few in England would approve of it, that I the earl of Stamford's business, and said if he was sure none about us would, being a most could understand any thing more before he left cowardly, dishonourable action, besides the London, he would take Bristol in his way, and basest sin of murder; then, said he, what is acquaint us with it. This journey he brought designed by the general design but to take them me to col. Rumsey, with whom we had little both off, and if it had been done that way, it discourse, he being going forth with his lady. would have prevented a great deal of bloodshed The sixth of March I left London, and went in the nation; no, said I, no such thing is directly for Bristol; about the 12th of March designed as I know of, the general design being Mr. Wade came to Bristol, but then could say only to get the king off from his evil counsels, no more than as above, the messengers being who had advised him to put a stop to proceednot come back from Scotland nor Ireland, and ings against Popish Plotters, by dissolving of was of his former opinion, that if any thing parliaments, &c. and to bring all Popish offenwere done, it could not be before Midsuminer, ders to justice, and such who had betrayed the he then expected to be about two months in the liberty of the subject: and this I think was all west, and said that if any thing was agreed the discourse we had at that time, being the upon sooner, one Mr. West, a counsellor, had first of my acquaintance with him: that might I promised to write to him in the name of Ingle- went with him to a tavern in Fleet-street, stone, and direct his letter to be left at his bro- where was captain Norton, Richard Goodther's in Bristol, who Wade ordered that if any enough, and one Mr. Aylif, who, to my knowsuch letter came, to open it, and if any thing ledge, I never saw before nor since; whilst I material in it, to send it by a messenger to him was with them there was no discourse of any into the west. About the 17th of March came business, but I soon left them together. The a letter for him from West, in the name of next day Mr. Roe of Bristol, brought me to Inglestone, which his brother opened, and not Mr. Ferguson, at the house of one Mr. Bourne understanding the stile, brought it to me, but I a brewer, but was not admitted to see him himknew not the meaning thereof. The contents self. Ferguson then went by the name of Rowas to desire Mr. Wade to get his clients to-berts, who when I had told my name and from gether the next Saturday come fortnight, for that was the day appointed to seal the writings, and neither of us understanding it, his brother sent it by a messenger after him, who found him at Taunton, and his answer by the messenger was, that he knew not the meaning of it, but should be within ten miles of Bristol the next Saturday, desiring that if any other letter came, to send it to him. About three days after came another letter as above, desiring him not to call his clients together, for the time of sealing That day I had some discourse with colonel was put off, which letter was also sent to him, Rumsey at his house, who I found was privy but he understood it not, saying, it was some to the Newmarket business, and his opinion rash business or other, and so went back again. was, that the Newmarket design would come The fifth of April I came to London, and to nothing, for he did not approve of the ma-> that evening went to Mr. West's chamber in nagers actings, and said there was nothing like the Temple, where I found him, who then the other design, for that would put an end to did not know me, but when I told him my all in a little time, then I tod him, that none in name, from whence I came, and mentioned our parts would be for it; which I think was the two letters Mr. Wade received from him, all the discourse we then had; only he prohe began to be somewhat free in discourse with mised, that if any thing was agreed before Mr. me. I then told him that Mr. Wade and his Wade came up I should hear of it, so I took friends were surprised at the letters, not know- leave and went for Bristol the next morning. ing what he meant by them, and did desire to About ten days after, hearing nothing from them know, concerning which he seemed a little shy, (Ferguson having told me that he thought all but after little discourse, began to tell me, say- would be agreed in four or five days, and proing, there was a design to take off the king andmised to advise) I wrote to Mr. West, desiring whence I came, was pretty free in discourse with me, and told me the design went on very well, that there were some Scottish gentlemen come up, who were treating with the managers, and did hope they would agree in a few days, and come to a resolution both as to time and method, of which we should have timely notice, but by all his discourse at that time, I could not perceive that he knew any thing of the New market design. to know how they went on, who wrote me, that they still met with delays, and were come to no conclusion; after that, I heard no more until May. About the beginning of May I came up to London again, in company with Mr. Wade and some other Bristol men, but when we came up, my business being in the city, and theirs about the Temple, we parted; after two or three days, I met with Mr. Wade, and asked how he found things, who told me, he doubted all would prove a Sham, for he thought there was nothing intended, finding nothing materially done in order to what had been so long discoursed. Then we went to Mr. West, and discoursed him fully about the contents of his letters, who told us, they were resolved to kill the king and duke as they came from Newmarket, in order to which, he had provided arms for fifty men, pistols, carbines and blunderbusses, and that they were promised the house of one Rumbald a maltster, which lay in the road, and the king must come by his door, there the men should have been lodged. Then we asked who was to have acted it, to which he could give but a slender answer, and could or would name but two men, who were Rumbald and his brother, saying, if they could have raised six or eight hundred pounds to have bought horses, and something to encourage men, they should have had men enough; so that we found they had few men, if more than two, and no horses, only a parcel of arms; which afterwards he shewed us at a gunsmith's house, in a little lane near Temple-Bar. Then we asked him what they designed if it had taken effect, to which he answered, that the men should have come up with all speed to London and dispersed themselves immediately, declaring for the duke of Monmouth, and that the king and duke being dead, no opposition could be made; then we asked who were for this design, he named col. Rumsey and Richard Goodenough, and, as far as I can remember, no more; so we found it was carried on by them contrary to the knowledge, or approbation of those who managed the general design: then we declared our great dislike of it, telling him, it was a base, dishonourable and cowardly action, and would seem odious to all the world, that any pretending themselves Protestants, should be concerned in such a bloody action, and that we thought it was his cowardice put him upon it, to which he said, that he could not fight, but would be as forward with his money as any one of his capacity. Then we went to col, Rumsey, who we found to be wholly of West's opinion, saying, that except something be done that way, I know nothing will be done at all, for he knew the other managers would do nothing; so we had little discourse at that time. After this we went to Ferguson, who told us how things stood; we then found that he knew of both designs, but was only for the insurrection, and told us, that the managers had been treating with some Scotch gentlemen; that they were almost greed, and that the money they were to be supplied with, would be ready in three or four days, being ten thousand pounds, which was to be returned to Holland to buy arms, &c. for Scotland. He after told us that the Scotch gentlemen had made another proposal to the managers, thus, if they would supply them with thirty thousand pounds, they would begin it in Scotland first, which they could soon have, and then would invade England, desiring the ma nagers only to get a party in the North of England, ready to oppose any force from coming settled Scotland: but this was not approved of, out of England against them, before they had the managers chusing rather to supply them with 10.000/ and to begin it in England the same time. Then we daily expected to hear when the money would be paid, but still found nothing but delays, the managers not agreeing how to raise the money, and that if the money had been ready, they were come to no conclusion, as to any method more than they were nine months before, having done nothing but talked to ensnare people, reporting about in all parts, how the liberties of the people were daily more and more infringed, and that arbitrary government and popery very much, and made such a grumbling in all was coming in apace, which incensed people parts that we feared longer delays would make being as we thought so generally known, exthe common people in many parts mutiny, it cept something was suddenly done, it was impossible it should remain undiscovered, so the next time we met with Rumsey and Ferguson (though never together) we declared our dissatisfaction by reason of such long delays, and spoke it so that it might come to the managers ears, as we suppose it did, being to this effect, That we thought they had only a design to betray people, drawing many thousands into a snare, for their actions shewed little otherwise, being so long discoursing a thing of that nature and done so little towards it: few days after meeting with Rumsey again, he told us they were of different opinions concerning a method, some for beginning the insurrection only in London and Scotland, some for it in all places at once as at first proposed, others for several places in England and Scotland, and not in London, saying that if it was not begun in London, but in other places, there would be forces raised in London to send out against them, which would take out most of their strength, and that then London might be easily secured; sometimes they were for beginning it only in London and Scotland, and to have people come up to London from all parts of England, to which we answered that we thought no way better than what was first proposed, (viz.) the beginning of it in many places at once, as before mentioned, for although we had engaged none in or about Bristol, nor should not endeavour it till all things were concluded, yet with the assistance we were promised from Taunton, did not doubt but to get men enough to secure it, and that we knew not where to get ten men that would come for London, and sup posed it might be so in other places, men might be willing to secure their own country who would not be willing to leave all and come for London. Rumsey then said if he knew where to get at the head of 1,000 men he would begin it presently, and desired that we might meet the next night with some others and consider of things, so the next afternoon we met at Richard's coffee-house near Temple-Bar, and from thence to a tavern near, I think called the Little or Young Devil Tavern, where met eight persons, (viz.) colonel Rumsey, Robert West, capt. Norton, capt. Walcot, Richard Goodenough, Francis Goodenough, Nathaniel Wade and myself, this was the first time I knew Walcot. When we were all sat, colonel Rumsey spoke to this effect, as near as I can re member the same words; Gentlemen, if we can raise three thousand men in and about London, there is a person of honour will appear at the head of them and begin the business; which we supposed to be the duke of Monmouth, and do not well remember whether he mentioned his name or not. Which proposal much surprised Mr. Wade and I, that he should then question the raising of 3,000 men; whereas when it was first mentioned to us we thought they had been sure of many thousands in London, at an hour's warning. Then it was considered how 3,000 men might be raised, and how they might do something to the purpose: then we declared what method we had concluded on, for the management of affairs in Bristol, which was as followeth, and they could think of no better way, so it was concluded that London and the suburbs should be divided into twenty parts, and one man made choice of in each division, who should chuse out ten in his division that he could trust, and each of those ten to find out fifteen, which would make 161 in each division, so that twenty divisions would produce 3,220, in order to which a map of London was to be bought the next day, and each division drawn out in a particular paper, mentioning every street and lane of note in it, with the North, East, South and West bounds thereof, and to be brought the next meeting two or three nights after; at the first meeting it was agreed that none should know of this design, viz. (of the chief managers) till all the men were secured, and that these seven, I being not to stay long in London, should meet every two or three nights till all was completed. At this meeting Rumsey and West would be often saying, there was nothing like the lopping business, meaning the taking off the king and duke, and that it might be easily done, as they went to or from the Play-house, but I never heard any agree with him in it. Next day a map was bought, and brought to West's chamber in the Temple, where some met to divide it, and draw out the divisions against the next meeting. The next place we met at, I think was the Castle-tavern in Flect-street, where some of the divisions were brought, all being not done, and then it was considered how they should be distributed, being we were most strangers, and agreed that Richard Goodenough, who had been under-sheriff, and so had a general acquaintance, should do it, who was willing to undertake it, the rest of the divisions to be ready against the next meeting, which was two or three nights after, at the Greendragon tavern upon Snow-hill, where when Mr. Goodenough came he told us, That he had disposed of some of them, and did hope it would take effect, and that in a week or ten days he should have fixed the twenty men; the consideration how things should be managed, was deferred till they were sure of the men, only some mentioned their opinions how the Tower, Whitehall, and other places might be best surprised. The Tower was thought might be best gained in the day time, Whitehall and other places in the night, with many such things in way of discourse: Rumsey was still upon the old strain of killing the king and the duke, saying, at this the last meeting I was at, going for Bristol next morning, that it might be done in Windsor-park, and that he would undertake it, but not except every one there present would go with him, to which not one consented; I replying that I was for no such thing, but seeing the other business had gone so far, and was known to so many, if they could bring it to bear in London and other places, I rashly said, rather than fail of Bristol we will undertake it at noon day with an hundred men; to which Rumsey said I was a bold fellow; they then promised, when they were sure of the men, to advise and take care for some arms for us at Bristol, and that we should have some great person come down to head us; but I heard no more till the news of the discovery came in public letters; I remember one time when Wade and I was with Ferguson, he told us that the duke of Monmouth was brought to a low condition, all his places being taken from him, and his tenants in Scotland (being so severely dealt with upon account of their religion) was not able to pay rent, so that his estate there, which was accounted worth 10 or 12,000l. per ann. did not yield him the last year 2,000l. that he was not well pleased with the management of affairs, and desired Mr. Wade to appoint a place where he would meet the lord Gerrard, and sir Thomas Armstrong, to discourse them, to which Mr. Wade replied, he would meet none of them, for such great men had betrayed the nation already, and ensnared too many thousands to no purpose. How it was to have been acted in Bristol. We concluded that the only way to secure Bristol would be by a surprize, which with about 350 men (150 of which we depended on from Taunton, the other 200 to be raised in and about the city) might easily be done about four o'clock in the morning, as soon as the watch were gone off, without the bloodshed of one man, thus, dividing the city into 14 parts, so making 13 posts besides the main guard, which should at first have been at the Toulzy, (which is in Bristol as the Exchange here) we supposed 20 men might be sufficient for each post, and the remainder for the main guard, out of which might be spared four or six files to be constantly marching about, and to assist where there might be occasion. The method we designed for the raising of 200 men in and about the city was thus, first to find out 30 men, two for each post, and four for the main guard, who might be able each of them to procure six, and to command them, which would have made 14 for each post, and 28 for the main guard, to whom the Taunton men should be added, viz. six to each post and the remainder to the main guard, who should have come in the day before, some at every entrance of the city, and lodge themselves at inns and alehouses as near the posts they were appointed for as they could: each man being to know his post and commanders before they came, the Bristol men to lodge themselves and arms, with arms for the Taunton men, in an house as near as possible to their posts, and to send one out from each post between three and four o'clock in the morning to observe the motion of the watch, and to advise as soon as they were gone off, that they might all inmediately repair to their respective posts, calling the Taunton men, and as soon as they had gained their posts, to send out a file of musketeers to fetch in such and such men in each of their divisions as they should have had an account of before, and convey them to the main guard, which in the 14 divisions would have been about sixty persons, commission-officers and others; then to fetch in all the arms and ammunition they could find, which two things being done (as we supposed might be in a little time, and without any opposition, the posts being so near each other, that it would have been impossible for any number to get together) we resolved next to declare the reasous for our taking up arms, and to encourage all to come in to us that we could trust, not doubting but we should soon have had many thousands in the city, and out of the adjacent counties, Gloucester, Somerset and Wilts. The Reasons why I did not come in, &c. When the news of the discovery first came to Bristol, and some time before, I was in some trouble by my creditors, and forced to abscond, though thought I had sufficient to pay them, only desired time to get in my effects, their mercy I feared more than your majesty's, and thought if I should come in and find mercy with your majesty, I could at first expect no better than a prison, and if from it discharged by your majesty, to be kept in by them upon account of my debts. Secondly, hearing there was very many, in and about Bristol, supposed to be concerned, and I, though knowing so much, being able to prove so little against any man, but such against whom there was sufficient proof without me, feared that if I should come in more would be expected from me than I could prove, and so might fail of mercy, it having been our resolution not to discover the design to any of our friends till the managers had agreed both upon time and me. thod, therefore considered how to make my escape, there being then a strict search in all ports, thought best to continue in England for some time, till the heat might be over, and so got an ordinary habit and a little horse about 40s. price, and travelled the country as a man dealing in wool, in Gloucestershire, Oxfordshire, and Somersetshire, till about the middle of August, then repaired towards Bristol, and by letter, with my wife's assistance (all other friends thereabout fearing to act for me) pre. vailed with a poor man who had a small boat about ten tons, for 201. reward, and the like per month, for six months, to go with me for France, and from thence to the West-Indies, or where I would, my name being then in no proclamation or declaration, if it had I should not have prevailed with the man to go with me. So the 23rd of August sailed from King's Road for Rochell; the 25th proving bad weather, cracked our mast, and so put into St. Ives, in Cornwall, where we staid till the 4th of September, then put out again for Rochell, but meeting with contrary winds was forced into several places in France, and gained not our port till the 17th. In Rochell, I loaded her with brandy and other goods, and the 4th of October sailed from thence for the West Indies (being willing to know how my concerns lay there, that my creditors might have their own, though I knew I might be much safer in in France) and arrived at Barbadoes the 11th of November, there I heard of my name being in the Gazette, therefore staid but two days landing part of my cargo, from thence I went to Antigua, where I landed and disposed of the remaining part, staying there about 10 days; but it being too soon for the crop, and my charge being the same, lying still or going farther, also thinking it not safe to lie long there, resolved to see the rest of the Carribby Islands, and so went down to Mounserat, Nevis, St. Christopher's, St. Eustatia and Anguilla, and so back again to St. Christopher's, supposing that to be the safest place, I being known to none there, where I staid about three weeks. About the 14th of January I wrote to my factor in Nevis about what was due to me, who on receipt of my letter discovered me, so that sir William Stapleton presently sent his warrant to St. Christopher's to apprehend me, but before it came I was gone down to St. Eustatia, expecting to meet my vessel there, which I had sent up to Barbadoes, and it being known where I was gone, the deputy governor of St. Christopher's sent five men with his warrant after me, to whom on sight thereof I submitted, though had an opportunity and might have escaped, but was rather willing to cast myself at his majesty's feet for mercy, than live such a life any longer, not daring to appear where there was need of me (among my factors) who I doubt will take too much advantage by my troubles for my creditors' interest. In Nevis I was kept a prisoner 13 days, where I promised sir William Stapleton that I would make what discovery could, giving him the names of some who I had acquainted with it in Bristol, which I suppose he hath given an account of, desiring him that it might be kept private, for if it was known they would have advice of it; but it was not kept so private as I expected, for the night I came off I was told of it, therefore suppose they were advised by a Bristol ship that came away before us, by which I wrote not a word, I suppose she might be at home long before us, we being nine weeks and five days. All that I can say against any of them, except William Wade who is before-mentioned, is that I acquainted them with the business, as I believe many thousands in England were, and do suppose they would have been concerned. Hereunder is an account of many other persons that I have heard was concerned in the design for an insurrection, which is all that I can call to mind of any thing material that ever I heard concerning the Plot. Here he mentioned the names of several Persons. Now if your majesty is graciously pleased to spare me, it will be a sufficient warning to me for ever meddling in things of that nature again and I hope I shall have the opportunity of serving your majesty and my country in the promotion of that which brought me into this, and cost me many hundred pounds, with some years' pains to bring it to that perfection I did, viz. the linnen manufacture, which many honourable persons about your court have heard of, and I can make it appear that it will employ near 80,000 poor people and 40,000 acres of land, and bring in and save your majesty near 200,000/ per ann. Another thing which I think I may serve your majesty in (abroad) is this, when I left England I knew there was many who were in trouble about their opinions would willingly have left England if they knew where to go, that they might have liberty. There is a very fine island in the West-Indies, good land and well watered, which, by such people, would be soon settled and prove a great advantage to your majesty and successors, for it would soon. exceed any island, except Barbadoes and Jamaica, it lies so near a bad neighbour, the Spaniard Portrico, that except a considerable number there; but if no great alteration in affairs since go together, it will be dangerous living I left England; with your majesty's leave, enough might be prevailed with to go and settle it at once, which will not only serve your majesty as before, but clear the nation of some. hundreds of disaffected people. 306. The Trial of WILLIAM SACHEVERELL, and Nineteen others, at the King's-Bench, for a Riot committed at Nottingham: 36 CHARLES II. A. D. 1684.* THE Defendants having before pleaded Not Guilty, were brought to their Trial on the 2nd of May, 1684. Cl. of Crown. Call the defendants, William Sacheverell, esq. and others. Mr. Pollerfen. We appear. Which was done, and the twelve being sworn to try the cause, being gentlemen of the county of Kent, were these following: Sir Humphry Miller, sir Henry Bosvile, William Lambert, Charles Wheeler, Richard Marsh, Edw. King, Humphrey Stiles, Walter Hooper, James Mas. Cl. of Crown. Gardez vostres challenges.' ters, Richard Britton, Ralph Petty, and EdSwear sir Humphry Miller. ward Bathurst. *This was one of the numerous litigious and turned to an avowed practice of garbling proceedings, which arose out of the attacks Corporations, in order to carry elections to the upon the Charters of Corporations throughout parliament, and a Committee of Council was the kingdom, to which attacks the crown was appointed to manage the Regulations as they encouraged by the success of the Quo War-were called; and there was an itinerant crew ranto against the City of London. (See the Proceedings in that Case, vol. 8, p. 1039). Perhaps the object which originally excited that attack, was the power of nominating Jurors, by means of the right to appoint sheriffs. (See Note to lord Shaftesbury's Case, vol. 8, p. 785). But it must have been very soon perceived that the nomination of the whole magistracy of the kingdom, and of a majority of the House of Commons, might be secured by the same means. Roger North (Life of Lord Keeper Guilford, vol. 2, p. 104, 8vo edit. of 1308) tells ms, that this trade of Charters ran to excess, of the worst of men that wrought in the towns to be regulated under the direction of the committee. These were termed Regulators, and according to their characters and designations, mayors, aldermen, recorders, common councils and freemen, were modified and established." See, also, sir John Reresby's Memoirs to which Mr. Hume (Note to p. 263, vol. 8, of his History, edition of 1807) refers, when he admits that the transfer of the right of election from the people to magistrates named by the crown, was in reality nothing different from the king's naming the members; and he notices that the same act of authority had been |